'THE LEGACY': 23: BEER CHAND PATEL AND KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (31/12/2021)

 

In the elections for the post of the leader of the Congress Legislature Party after the third general elections in 1962, Krishna Ballabh Babu was defeated by the incumbent Chief Minister Pandit Binodanand Jha. Notwithstanding his administrative acumen and leadership qualities, Krishna Ballabh Babu had failed to stitch an invincible caste equation in his favour which was so essential in a caste-based Bihari society and was thus no match to the Brahmin, Rajput alliance of Pandit Binodanand Jha.

Pandit Binodanand Jha was aware of Krishna Ballabh Sahay’s capabilities and was therefore always suspicious of him. Though Jha included Sahay in his cabinet he assigned him the less important ministry of Cooperatives to keep him on the sidelines. However, K. B. Sahay proved his mettle even as the Cooperative Minister that left even Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru impressed. K. B. Sahay took several steps to enhance the role of the Cooperative movement in the agriculture and cottage industry sector and declared emphatically ‘that Real Swarajya for the poor people could be achieved only through the Cooperative Movement’. The important decisions he took while pursuing this vision, made this department a strong link between agriculture and allied activities like dairy and fisheries, aviary and small and cottage industries like weaving and handloom. This department created newer opportunities for rural employment that was highly appreciated by the visiting central team. When this team went back it apprised the Prime Minister of the changes that were made possible in Bihar through Cooperatives.

In this backdrop of political developments, when the Congress MLAs gathered at Sadaqat Ashram in September 1963, for the election of the leader of the Congress Legislature Party in the wake of Pandit Binodanand Jha’s resignation under ‘Kamraj Plan’, the moment came for Krishna Ballabh Sahay to put forward his candidature once again. Pitted against him was Beer Chand Patel who was supported by Pandit Binodanand Jha. Krishna Ballabh Sahay was cautious this time as he played his cards diligently to draw the support from the Kushwahas (Koeris), Kurmis and the Yadavas- the three prominent backward castes that came to be known as the “'Triveni Sangh” in coming days. With the help of the ‘Triveni Sangh’, Krishna Ballabh Sahay romped home to victory getting the support of twice the number of legislatures compared to Beer Chand Patel.

After the elections, K. B. Sahay showed exemplary leadership qualities and his magnanimity towards the vanquished was exhibited when he offered Beer Chand Patel the important portfolio of Revenue- a subject that was so dear to him. There was not a shade of vindictiveness in K. B. Sahay as he worked in perfect coordination as a team leader with Beer Chand Patel.  Krishna Ballabh Babu had known Beer Chand Patel personally. He knew that Beer Chand Patel was pitted against him by his opponents. Therefore, there was never any animosity between them on the issue.

Krishna Ballabh Babu, like his namesake Lord Krishna, had this quality of character that if he ever received help from a person he would remember the person lifelong and pay him back by helping the person at the time of his need. During the period 1957-1962, when Krishna Ballabh Babu was not in power, either as a Minister or even as an MLA, he had sought the intervention of Beer Chand Patel, who was then the Health Minister, for the treatment of his son at Ranchi. Beer Chand Patel had responded almost immediately and had ensured the best facility for the medical treatment of K.B. Sahay’s son. K. B. Sahay remembered this help and even confirmed it during a debate in the Bihar Legislative Assembly. Krishna Ballabh Sahay was thus indebted to Beer Chand Patel and the manner he treated Beer Chand Patel after the Congress Legislative Party elections was an acknowledgement of the support Beer Chand Patel had extended him. Krishna Ballabh Babu considered Beer Chand Patel his friend and not a political rival. Therefore Krishna Ballabh Babu gave him the responsibility of the important department of revenue.

In November 1963, when the National Development Council constituted the Land Reforms Implementation Committee (LRIC) after the mid-term evaluation of the Third Five-Year Plan, Krishna Ballabh Sahay was elected as a member of this Committee in acknowledgement of his experience in land reforms. Former Prime Minister Gulzari Lal Nanda was the Chairman of the Committee. Krishna Ballabh Babu would almost always attend the meeting along with his Revenue Minister i.e. Beer Chand Patel. They gave important suggestions on land reforms which were incorporated as the recommendations by the Committee in its Report. The Report of the Land Reforms Implementation Committee was submitted to the National Development Council which adopted many of these recommendations.

The incomplete tasks of land reforms were initiated once again during the Chief Ministership of Krishna Ballabh Sahay. Beer Chand Patel made an important contribution to this exercise. As a committed lieutenant, Beer Chand Patel stood by his leader and together they enacted quite a few laws and amended others to enhance their efficacy. The perfect camaraderie between them was in full display during debates in the Bihar Legislative Assembly those days. The most important of these legislations was the Bihar Land Reforms (Determination of Ceiling Areas and Acquisition of Surplus Land) Act, 1964 which fixed a ceiling of land to be held by each family. The land in addition to the ceiling was proposed to be acquired and distributed among the landless. Once again this Bill got embroiled in legal complications and protracted debates in the Legislative Assembly but Krishna Ballabh Babu and Beer Chand Patel were successful in getting this bill passed. Amendments in the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act were also carried out during this period to make these legislations more effective.

Another important Bill was the Bihar Urban Land Tax Act 1964, which proposed to levy tax on urban land and houses. The Bill was opposed by the members of the Socialist Party. Beer Chand Patel’s speech on this occasion makes for an interesting read- ‘It is said that love happens just on the spur of moment because love emanates from the heart and the head has no role to play in it. No government can be popular by imposing taxes. Yet just as one falls in love, so does a Government is forced to levy tax because in this era of urbanization it is the responsibility of the government to provide basic facilities in the cities and this is possible only when additional funds are arranged for this. This is the reason for proposing the urban tax’.

A member from the Socialist Party objected to the proposal by posing a hypothetical situation- ‘if someone had ten bighas of land in the city and lives in a hut, will he be taxed under this law?’ Beer Chand Patel was least amused by the question. Turning the table on Socialist leaders, Beer Chand Patel questioned the thought process of the Socialists,–‘You tend to question the proposed Bill in the name of poor people. You work in the guise of helping the poor but your activities support the rich. You must shed this pretence of being a messiah of the poor. We in Congress will be ready to strengthen your hand if you come forward with a contribution of five hundred rupees from big moneylenders. But the Socialism that you preach and profess would leave a person with a yard of clothes naked and allow another person with ten yards of clothes to retain nine yards of the clothes if a dictate is passed to acquire one yard of cloth from each citizen. According to your statement, the government must treat uniformly irrespective of whether a person lives in a palatial building in an urban area or a person who lives in a hut in the urban conglomerate. This type of thinking smacks of gaining cheap popularity by a beleaguered leadership but we as a party cannot act in such fashion. The Socialism that you preach led you to return the land to the Tata in 1960 as a result of which the government is incurring a loss of seven lakh rupees every year. You Socialists want to give concession to the Tatas making them more affluent while you do not care for the poor.'

The debate was clinched by Beer Chand Patel whose oratory skill came as a pleasant surprise to the Socialists who were dumb-struck at the eloquence with which the Minister had cut them to size. Eventually, the Bill was passed and enacted as an Act, enabling the government to arrange resources for urban development.

'THE LEGACY': 22: BAJRANG SAHAY AND KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (18/12/2021)

THE FORGOTTEN LEGAL LUMINARY BEHIND

THE FIRST CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT

BAJRANG SAHAY

(01^st December 1896-18^th December 1968)

KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY
(31 DECEMBER 1898-3 JUNE 1974)

THE LETTER BAJRANG SAHAY WROTE TO DR RAJENDRA PRASAD

                                                   (COURTESY: NATIONAL ARCHIVES)

THE CONFIDENTIAL FORTNIGHTLY REPORT (COURTESY: NATIONAL ARCHIVES)

After completing his schooling at Zila School, Hazaribagh, Krishna Ballabh Sahay took admission in the Saint Columba’s College in the 1914-15 sessions. Bajrang Sahay was his senior in the same college. Some common personality traits brought them near and made them lifelong friends- both of them were intelligent scholars, both of them were popular in the debating society of their college due to their oratory skills, both of them were strongly averse to any sort of injustice upon fellow countrymen, both of them were very sharp in their understanding of an issue of public interest and above all both of them were ardent followers of Mahatma Gandhi.   

As enlightened youths, they aspired to contribute to the freedom struggle. Their compassion towards their fellow countrymen was reflected even during their college days when they took up the case of their fellow friend who was implicated in a false case by the Police and local administration. As Mahatma Gandhi’s committed foot-soldiers, they were convinced of the efficacy of the weapons of truth and non-violence against an oppressive alien despot and they applied this with a considerable measure of success to save their friend. The incident is of 18^th December 1918 when the Hazaribagh police entered Saint Columba’s College campus to arrest Ram Binod Singh, son of a police employee Jai Kishan Singh of Muzaffarpur. The police suspected that Ram Binod Singh was an accomplice of the Muzaffarpur revolutionaries. Even though his father served the same British Police force, K. B. Sahay along with Bajrang Sahay organized a ‘hartal’ in the college premises to protest the entry of police in college premises. The protest ‘hartal’, though spontaneous, was attended by a large number of students. The police exerted pressure on the College administration and despite the ‘hartal’, Ram Binod Singh was arrested by the police and sent to the Hazaribagh Central Jail. Ram Binod Singh’s arrest further aggravated students’ resentment against the British Government. When the police refused to listen to the plea of students, the duo of Bajrang Sahay and Krishna Ballabh Sahay approached higher authorities to apprise them of their friend’s case.

Simultaneously, K. B. Sahay and Bajrang Sahay assisted Ram Binod Singh’s parents to take up his son’s case before the then Deputy Commissioner of Hazaribagh A. P. Middleton and also helped them in getting permission to meet their son in jail. The inherent brilliance of Bajrang Sahay’s in the matter of argument of his friend’s case can be judged from the fact that Ram Binod Singh was ultimately exonerated in the case. Given their age, it was a big victory for the duo. During the period when their friend was under trauma, K.B. Sahay was always present to extend all possible help to Ram Binod Singh and his father. This was a small incident but one can judge the sense of compassion of these youths which extended beyond any boundaries. In years to come, the duo took up the fight on behalf of the poor and the oppressed into the enemy’s den, especially during the passage of the Zamindari Abolition Bill.

In 1921 the 16^th Session of the Behari Students Conference was organised under the Presidentship of Srimati Sarala Debi, at Hazaribagh, during the Dasahara festival as was the wont, on the 5^th-6^th October. The Behari Students’ Conference was established in 1906 with Dr Rajendra Prasad as one of the prime movers. This was the first platform where Behari students met to discuss questions of common interest. It was a cautious decision taken by the ‘elders’ like Babu Braja Kishore Prasad, Sachchidanand Sinha and Mahesh Narayan to have a non-political orientation for the Behari Students’ Conference so that students, in the words of Babu Braja Kishore Prasad, may ‘get a sound education in the principles of politics so that they may be able to play their part and play it well when the time arrives’. These words proved prophetic during the Champaran movement, as mentioned by Dr Rajendra Prasad in his Autobiography. The volunteers who worked with Gandhiji, Braja Kishore Prasad Rajkumar Shukla, Rajendra Prasad and other leaders were drawn from the ranks of the Students’ Conference and they played their part heroically when the time arrived for it. It may be worthwhile to mention that for the next two decades, all major political and national movement leaders from Bihar were the products of the Behari Student’s Conference. So strong were the teachings of the ‘elders’ to students during the annual conferences that it remained etched in their memory lifelong and carved them into leaders with nerves of steel. The event in 1921 was actively organized by Babu Bajrang Sahay and Ram Narayan Singh who appealed to students ‘to throw off the yoke of foreign domination over the soul’. Three resolutions were passed at this conference

1)                Boycott of Government Schools and Colleges;

2)                A Resolution that students should devote at least half an hour every day and two hours every Sunday to the spinning of yarn;

3)                Prohibiting the student community from taking part in the festivities connected with the visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.   

Bajrang Sahay, Krishna Ballabh Sahay and other youths like them worked shoulder to shoulder to make the event a grand success.

After graduating from Saint Columba’s College, K. B. Sahay entered into the freedom struggle while Bajrang Sahay left for Presidency College, Calcutta for higher studies. Thereafter Bajrang Sahay went to Benaras Hindu University to study Law. Bajrang Sahay was born in an ordinary Kayastha family in Pachamba in Hazaribagh district (now Giridih). He lost his father Munshi Budh Prakash Lal when he was just 16 years old and he was thus burdened with the responsibility of the family. Despite all hardships, he carried out the dual responsibility towards his family and towards his nation successfully and effectively.  

After completing Law, Bajrang Sahay settled at Giridih and started practice in the Sub-Division Court at Giridih and the District Court at Hazaribagh. Soon he became one of the leading legal practitioners of the region. His success can be judged from the fact that he was gifted a motorcar as fees by one of his clients the ‘mica king’ Chhatthuram of the Chhatthuram Horilram & Company whose case he had successfully contested and won. But Bajrang Babu was also active in the freedom struggle during this period. In the Thirties, his increased political activities were noticed even by the local administration. In his ‘Fortnightly Confidential Report’ addressed to the Secretary, Home Department of the Government of India, the Chief Secretary, Bihar, H. K. Briscoe reported that -‘it has been found necessary to institute proceedings under Section 108 of the Criminal Procedure Code against two more agitators in Hazaribagh- Bajrang Sahay, a former virulent non-cooperator and Sukhlal Singh, brother of Ram Narayan Singh, M.L.A’.

In August 1940, a highly confidential letter was dispatched by the Political Department of the Government of Bihar to the Secretary of the Home Department of the Central Government which carried a district-wise list of such freedom fighters of the State who should be immediately arrested on the call of any movement. The district wise list of such ‘A-Class' freedom fighters included the names of both Krishna Ballabh Sahay and Babu Bajrang Sahay from Hazaribagh district. Therefore, when Mahatma Gandhi called for the ‘Quit India Movement’ in 1942, both of them were arrested by the Hazaribagh police and sent to jail. They were later shifted to the Bhagalpur Jail.

In early 1946 it had become clear that the transfer of power was just a matter of time. In March 1946 the Bihar Governor Thomas George Rutherford formally invited Sri Krishna Sinha to form the Government. Sri Krishna Sinha took the oath of office along with Anugrah Narayan Sinha and Dr Syed Mahmud. To sabotage K. B. Sahay’s prospects of joining Sri Babu’s Ministry as representative of Chhotanagpur region, his detractors’ chief among them Saraswati Devi, at the instance of other local leaders sent a false telegram to Dr Rajendra Prasad requesting that Bajrang Sahay or someone else other than Krishna Ballabh Sahay should be made a minister to represent Chhotanagpur. The evil design was aimed to drive a wedge between K. B. Sahay and Bajrang Sahay. When Babu Nawal Kishore Prasad, Pleader and Vice-President of Bar Association informed Babu Bajrang Sahay about the developments, he got infuriated. They immediately called on Saraswati Devi seeking an explanation for dispatching a false telegram. She informed that she did this at the instance of Nand Kishore Prasad. Incidentally, Nand Kishore Prasad was Nawal Kishore Prasad’s bother. A peculiar situation had developed. Bajrang Sahay was deeply hurt at this game of cross-blaming but he kept his cool and sat down to damage control. He immediately sent a telegram to Dr Rajendra Prasad requesting him to ignore the telegram sent by Saraswati Devi. He followed it up with a long letter to Dr Rajendra Prasad in which he informed him of all the facts of the case and strongly advocated the case of Krishna Ballabh Sahay, requesting him to intervene and make him a Minister as the representative of Chhotanagpur. In this letter dated 24^th March 1946, he wrote, -‘This will show how telegrams are being manufactured to spoil Krishna Ballabh Babu’s chances. As far as I know, Krishna Ballabh Babu enjoys the confidence of the entire population of this district. …..Since my retirement from the field, he is the one person who has been keeping the Congress flag flying in the party and to say that he does not belong to and cannot represent Hazaribagh is the height of ingratitude. I respectfully suggest that false propaganda against K. B. Sahay should not be permitted to stand in the way of justice being done to him and to the district’.   

This candid correspondence cleared the deck for K. B. Sahay who was sworn in as Minister in Sri Krishna Sinha’s Ministry a couple of days later. On becoming the Revenue Minister, K. B. Sahay took up the task of piloting legislation to abolish zamindari and who else other than Babu Bajrang Sahay could have been a better support to him. Babu Bajrang Sahay devoted his whole time to drafting the legislation on Zamindari Abolition. It is pertinent to mention here that Bihar took the lead in the whole nation in this regard. The achievement of Bajrang Sahay and Krishna Ballabh Sahay was acknowledged by Sadik Ali, Permanent Secretary, AICC who noted that -‘Among the Revenue Ministers it was Krishna Ballabh Sahay who almost immediately responded to the queries and wrote back in his letter dated 14^th October 1946 to inform him that- ‘The Provincial Government have not only drawn up a memorandum for Abolition of Zamindari System but have also settled their details copy whereof I shall send you soon.’

K. B. Sahay in his letter dated 29^th October 1946 laid down the plans of the Provincial Government towards the abolition of zamindari- ‘The plan for Abolition of Zamindari is under preparation. The Government accepted a resolution to remove the intermediaries between the State and the tiller of the soil’.

It may be pertinent to mention here that while Bihar went ahead with the drafting of legislation to abolish zamindari; other states had not even initiated the process. Central Province, Berar and Madras informed that the Government was yet to decide on the matter while Morarji Desai, as the revenue minister of Bombay, informed that he proposes to consult scientific experts on the subject.

Later on, K B. Sahay also informed the AICC that ‘the Bihar Government are thinking of introducing two Bills- one to takeover private estates for management by the Government and second a Bill for the abolition of zamindari’. The Publicity Officer, Government of Bihar informed the AICC ‘that Sri Bajrang Sahay, a lawyer of Hazaribagh, has been appointed a Special Officer to draft the Bill’. 

The joint efforts of Bajrang Sahay and K. B. Sahay sent cold shivers down the spine of Zamindars who sent a bunch of complaints through Babu Ram Narayan Singh, the President of District Congress to the President AICC Jiwatram Bhagwandas Kriplani seeking removal of K. B. Sahay as Minister. Babu Ram Narayan Singh was brooding at his exclusion from the Sri Krishna Sinha’s ministry and he thus became a convenient tool in the hands of the opposing forces. Among the list of 21 complaints, it was also alleged that K. B. Sahay was excessive supportive of Bajrang Sahay. They raked up the issue of his appointment during the previous Congress rule (1937-1939) to allege that the said appointment was made by flouting all rules and norms. It was well known that K. B. Sahay had entrusted Bajrang Sahay with the responsibility of drafting the said Bill on Zamindari Abolition. The zamindar lobby felt that if somehow Bajrang Sahay could be removed from the assignment, K. B. Sahay would be left handicapped in his endeavour. 

In his reply dated 2^nd July 1947, K. B. Sahay refuted all the charges and also invited Kriplani to carry out a detailed investigation. He dared his detractors to either prove the charges in the complaint or quit politics. He offered to quit politics if the charges were proved against him. About seeking the services of Babu Bajrang Sahay for drafting the Zamindari Abolition Bill, K. B. Sahay categorically stated that-‘The twentieth allegation is that I appointed Babu Bajrang Sahay as Government Pleader. Babu Bajrang Sahay was indeed appointed Government Pleader during the 1937 Ministry. But the appointment was not made against the rule, which does not require a minimum practice of 10 years. He was appointed to draft Zamindari Abolition Bill with the full consent of the Ministries in a meeting. His services have now been terminated as he was appointed for 6 months only and no post of Additional Government Pleader for another 6 months has been given to him’.

During his struggle with the zamindars, Babu Bajrang Sahay stood like a rock behind Krishna Ballabh Babu. No amount of threats by the zamindar lobby of any amount of litigations against him personally or against his Government deterred K. B. Sahay, who had immense faith in the capabilities of Bajrang Sahay. Bajrang Sahay was not merely a friend for him but K. B. Sahay considered him a close family member just like an elder brother. The presence of Bajrang Sahay gave K. B. Sahay the psychological strength to not only face the threats of litigations from the zamindars but even faced an attempt on his life courageously. The intellect of Bajrang Sahay and Krishna Ballabh Sahay can be judged from the fact that this short and crisp legislation, with merely 43 provisions covered in 8 chapters, which they drafted for the abolition of zamindari, turned the wheels of the Central Government and forced it to bring in the first amendment to the Indian Constitution. Acknowledgement of the importance of the legislation is a tribute to the genius of Babu Bajrang Sahay and Krishna Ballabbh Sahay. Their achievement becomes larger than life if we consider the fact that they had a very humble beginning as they came from simple peasantry families, faced all sorts of hardships to build up their careers and then they sacrificed their careers for the cause of freedom struggle to challenge a strong feudal society with their sole weapon –the pen considered the weapon of the ‘Kayasthas.’ Their life story is a fine example of how a common man can bring difference in the society. It is time the nation acknowledges their contribution. Babu Bajrang Sahay passed away on 18^th December 1968. Thus ended a long association of over fifty years (1918-1968) It was an irreparable loss for K. B. Sahay for whom Bajrang Sahay was a friend, philosopher and guide. Their camaraderie is still remembered in the Chhotanagpur region.

 

(Sources: (i) ‘Fortnightly Confidential Reports’ as archived in the National Archives, New Delhi; (ii) Correspondences by Permanent Secretary, AICC with Provincial Government, available in National Archives, New Delhi, (iii) Bihar Assembly Debates (iv) ‘Addressing a Generation in Transition- A Reading of Babu Braja Kishore Prasad’s Presidential Address Behari Students Conference, Chhapra, 1911 (v) My Reminiscences of Freedom Movement in Bihar by Bajrang Sahay)

 

 

'हमारी विरासत हमारी धरोहर': 27: डॉक्टर लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु एवं कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय (15/12/2021)

डॉक्टर लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु 
(15 दिसंबर 1906- 17 अप्रैल 1974)

डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु का जन्म 15 दिसंबर 1906 को रूपसपुर पुर्णिया में एक संभ्रांत परिवार में हुआ था। बचपन से ही ये पढ़ने-लिखने में कुशाग्र थे।  इनके पिता श्री धनपत सिंह ने इस बात का ध्यान रखते हुए इनका दाखिला पुर्णिया के विद्यालय में करवाया। बाद में ये पढ़ने के लिए भागलपुर गए। उच्च शिक्षा इन्होंने काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय से पूरी की। शुरू से ही इनकी रूचि साहित्य में थी। कॉलेज जीवन में इनकी कई रचनाएँ प्रकाशित हो चुकी थी। बाद में ये काँग्रेस में शामिल हुए और 1942 के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन में सक्रिय हो गए। 1946 में बिहार विधान सभा के लिए चुने गए। 1950 में बिहार प्रदेश काँग्रेस कमिटी के अध्यक्ष बने। तथापि साहित्य के प्रति इनकी रुचि में कभी कोई कमी नहीं आई।

कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू की ही तरह डॉ सुधांशु भी विभिन्न पत्रों और पत्रिकाओं से जुड़े रहे। छात्र जीवन में ही कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ‘अमृत बाज़ार पत्रिका’ के छोटानागपुर संवाददाता रहे थे। बाद में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने हजारीबाग से ‘छोटानागपुर दर्पण’ नामक पत्रिका का प्रकाशन प्रारम्भ किया जो कई वर्षों तक निरवरत चला। इसी प्रकार डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु जी ने 1939 में ‘राष्ट्र-वाणी’ नामक साप्ताहिक का प्रकाशन प्रारम्भ किया। 1952-1956 के दरम्यान डॉ सुधांशु ने हिन्दी में ‘अवन्तिका’ नामक मासिक साहित्यिक पत्रिका का प्रकाशन प्रारम्भ किया। 1955 में पुर्णिया में इन्होंने कला भवन नामक सांस्कृतिक संस्था की स्थापना की जहां इनके प्रयासों से नित्य सांस्कृतिक एवं साहित्यिक कार्यक्रम आयोजित हुआ करते थे। 1961 में डॉ सुधांशु बिहार राष्ट्रभाषा परिषद के सभापति मनोनीत हुए। 1962 के चुनाव में डॉ सुधांशु काँग्रेस की टिकट पर धमदाहा से विजयी  हुए और बिहार विधान सभा के अध्यक्ष पद पर इन्हें सर्वसम्मति से चुन लिया गया। बतौर अध्यक्ष इन्होंने सदन की गरिमा को बनाए रखने में महती भूमिका निभाई और सदा निस्पक्षता से अपनी ज़िम्मेदारी का कार्यवाहन किया।  बिहार विधान सभा की कार्यवाही के दौरान ऐसे कई अवसर आए जब सदस्यों के बीच गहमा-गहमी के माहौल को इन्होंने अपनी वाक्पटुता और साहित्यिक भाषा से सामान्य बनाने में सफल रहे। सदन की कार्यवाही में कोई खलल न पड़े इसका उन्होंने सदा ध्यान रखा। इसी दरम्यान ये कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू के संपर्क में आए। यह वह दौर था जब सूबे का मुख्यमंत्री अँग्रेजी भाषा का विद्वान था और दूसरी ओर सूबे के विधानसभा का स्पीकर हिन्दी भाषा का प्रकांड विद्वान था। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू बात-बात पर हिन्दी कवियों यथा तुलसीदास, बिहारी, सूरदास की कविताओं का उद्धरण के साथ-साथ अँग्रेजी लेखकों और कवियों यथा शेक्सपेयर, वर्ड्सवर्थ आदि की कविताओं और चौपाइयों को उद्धृत करते थे। दूसरी ओर सुधांशु जी भी बराबर सदन की गरिमा को बनाए रखने का प्रयास करते थे और साहित्यिक शैली में सदस्यों से अनुरोध कर उनका सहयोग पाते थे।  

बिहार विनियोग विधेयक 1965 पर सदन में बहस हो रहा था और कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू पंचायत व्यवस्था के महत्व पर प्रकाश डाल रहे थे। अपनी बात रखते हुए कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने कहा- ‘मेरा अपना ख्याल है कि पंचायती राज का मतलब जनशक्ति को देहात में जगाना है। पंचायत राज द्वारा ही स्थानीय लोगों के कल्याण के कार्य हो सकते हैं। मसलन रांची में आदिवासियों की जनसंख्या 60-65% है किन्तु उनके लिए केवल दस कुएँ हैं। हमें यह देखना होगा कि आदिवासियों और पिछड़ी जातियों के साथ न्याय होता रहे और यह पंचायती राज द्वारा संभव है। यदि हम गलत काम करते हैं तो हमारी आलोचना होती है अतः यह हमारी ज़िम्मेदारी है कि उनके साथ न्याय होता रहे’।

‘हम गलत काम करते हैं’- यह सुनकर डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु जी चौंक उठे। उधर कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू अपनी रौ में बोले जा रहे थे। अतः उन्हें सही हिन्दी का ध्यान नहीं रहा। डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु जी अपने आप को हस्तक्षेप करने से रोक नहीं पाये। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू को उन्होंने टोका- ‘आप ऐसा नहीं कहें कि ‘हम गलत काम करते हैं’। आप यह कहें कि ‘जब हमसे गलती होती है।’

अध्यक्ष महोदय को हिन्दी की गलती सुधारने के लिए कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने उन्हें धन्यवाद दिया। फिर अपना वक्तव्य जारी रखा- ‘अध्यक्ष महोदय, मैं हिन्दी का पंडित नहीं हूँ इसलिए मेरी भाषा में गलती रह सकती है। जो आप कहते हैं वही ठीक है। हमारे सूबे में हरिजन हैं, आदिवासी हैं। सरकार को देखना है कि सबों के साथ न्याय हो। इसलिए चार जिलों में पंचायती राज कायम कर दिया गया है और धीरे-धीरे और जिलों में इसे कायम किया जाएगा’।

डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु सदन में अपनी बातें बहुत ही कम किन्तु सटीक शब्दों में इस तरह रखते थे कि विपक्ष भी उनकी बात का कायल हो जाता था। इस प्रकार डॉ सुधांशु सदन को बिना किसी स्थगन के सुगमता से संचालित करने में सफल रहते थे। एक ऐसी ही घटना 2 फरवरी 1966 की है। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू 1966-67 का वार्षिक आय-व्ययक की मुद्रित रिपोर्ट सदन में पढ़ रहे थे। यह सरकार के विभिन्न मंत्रालयों के वर्ष भर का लेखा-जोखा होता है और भाषण के अधिकांश भाग में आंकड़े भरे पड़े होते हैं। निश्चय ही सदस्यों को यह बहुत ही उबाऊ लग रहा था। नीरसता को तोड़ने के लिए कुछ सदस्य आपस में बातचीत में लग गए। बतौर अध्यक्ष डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु जी ने सदन की गरिमा का हवाला देते हुए सदस्यों से भाषण तन्मयता से सुनने की गुजारिश करते हुए कहा- ‘सदस्यों से निवेदन है कि वे शांति बनाए रखें। अगर सदस्य मुद्रित भाषण सुनना आवश्यक नहीं समझते हैं तो शांत रहना तो आवश्यक है’।

अध्यक्ष की ओर देखते हुए कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने प्रस्ताव किया कि ‘अध्यक्ष महोदय यदि आपका आदेश हो तो मैं इस मुद्रित भाषण को मौखिक भी बोल सकता हूँ क्योंकि देखकर भाषण पढ़ने में मुझे कठिनाई होती है’। इतने पृष्ठों की मुद्रित भाषण में अंकित आंकड़ों को बिना देखे मौखिक पढ़ देना यह कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू जैसे मेधा वाले व्यक्ति के लिए ही संभव था। यह इस बात का द्योतक था कि कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने न केवल पूरी रिपोर्ट पढ़ रखी थी वरन उसमें अंकित एक-एक आकडे उन्हें कंठस्थ थे।

किन्तु डॉ लक्ष्मी नारायण सुधांशु जी ने कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू के प्रस्ताव को परिपाटी का हवाला देते हुए अस्वीकार कर दिया- ‘मुद्रित भाषण पढ़ने की ही परिपाटी चली आ रही है अतः आप मुद्रित भाषण ही पढ़ें’।

माननीय अध्यक्ष महोदय के इस निर्णय पर चुटकी लेते हुए कपिलदेव सिंह ने कहा कि ‘माननीय मुख्यमंत्री कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू का मौखिक भाषण ही अच्छा होता है’।

कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने कपिलदेव सिंह को आश्वस्त करते हुए जवाब दिया ‘इस बजट अधिवेशन में आपको मेरे मौखिक भाषण सुनने के कई मौके मिलेगें’।

दरअसल कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू जिस धाराप्रवाह शैली में भाषण देते थे और बीच-बीच में हिन्दी और अँग्रेजी के कवियों की कविताओं की पंक्तियाँ उद्धृत करते थे उसे सुनने के लिए सदन के सदस्य ही नहीं वरन दर्शक और पत्रकार दीर्घा में बैठे लोगों को भी उत्सुकता से इंतज़ार रहता था।

अपने मुख्यमंत्रित्व काल में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू का पुर्णिया जाना हुआ था जहां उन्होंने ‘कला भवन’ के कार्यक्रमों में शिरकत की थी। इस अवसर पर कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू और डॉ सुधांशु की ली गयी एक तस्वीर में दोनों को ही प्रसन्न मुद्रा में आपस में बातचीत करते देखा जा सकता है जो इन दोनों के बीच गहन साहित्यिक अभिरुचि को दर्शाता है।

1967 में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू चुनाव हार गए और एक बार पुनः उन्होंने हजारीबाग से ‘छोटानागपुर दर्पण’ का प्रकाशन प्रारम्भ किया। हालांकि कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू चुनाव हार चुके थे, किन्तु साहित्य के प्रति समान अभिरुचि की वजह से उनके और डॉ सुधांशु के बीच संपर्क बना रहा। 1969 में डॉ सुधांशु बिहार हिन्दी ग्रंथ अकादमी के अध्यक्ष मनोनीत हुए। अपने जीवन काल में डॉ सुधांशु और कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू कितने ही शिक्षण संस्थाओं से जुड़े थे। पुर्णिया कॉलेज, देवघर विद्यापीठ, गोवर्धन साहित्य महाविद्यालय आदि ऐसे ही कुछ संस्थान थे जिसके डॉ सुधांशु संस्थापक सदस्य थे। इसी प्रकार कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू भी शिक्षा के प्रचार-प्रसार के लिए सदा प्रयासरत रहे। छोटानागपुर में इन्होंने कितने ही स्कूल और कॉलेज की स्थापना की जिनमें से कुछ के नाम भी इनके नाम पर रखे गए। 27 मई 1974 को कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू बिहार विधान परिषद के लिए पुनः चुने गए। किन्तु डॉ सुधांशु इस खुशखबरी को सुनने के लिए इस दुनिया में नहीं रहे थे। इसी वर्ष 17 अप्रैल को उनका निधन हो गया था। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू का स्वर्गवास भी इसी वर्ष 3 जून को एक बेहद विवादास्पद मोटर कार दुर्घटना में हुआ। कुछ महीने के अंतराल में ही बिहार ने साहित्यिक अभिरुचि के अपने दो पुत्र खो दिये।

[साभार: (i) राष्ट्रीय अभिलेखागार, नई दिल्ली, (ii) बिहार विधान सभा की कार्यवाही के दस्तावेज़)

'THE LEGACY'- 21: SARDAR VALLABH BHAI PATEL AND KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (15/12/2021)

 

SARDAR VALLABH BHAI PATEL
(31 OCTOBER 1875- 15 DECEMBER 1950)

KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY 
(31 DECEMBER 1898-3 JUNE 1974)

When Congress faced the electorate for the first time in December 1946, it resolved to end Zamindari and talked of developing a direct relationship between the farmers and the Government. In the coming years, it became clear that even within the Congress none had taken this resolve seriously barring a handful of leaders like K. B. Sahay who went ahead with this resolve in the literal sense that saw him waging a lonely battle against troika of Zamindars, their henchmen within Congress and their musclemen who made efforts to malign him and even attempted to eliminate him to stop him from achieving his resolve.

The fight that K. B. Sahay waged saw him battling on all these three fronts during the second half of the fifth decade in the twentieth century and it was marked by four events – the Zamindari Abolition Bill, the Sathi Land Case, the Bihar Molasses Scandal and the attempt to assassinate him- character-wise as well as to liquidate him physically. The first three issues brought him in confrontation with Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel.

After taking over as the Revenue Minister in 1946, K.B. Sahay put in all his efforts to the abolition of zamindari. On 5^th April 1947, he forwarded a copy of the Bihar State Acquisition of Zamindari Bill drafted by the Bihar Government to Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel and informed him that a copy was also provided to Dr Rajendra Prasad and Sadiq Ali, the General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee. He further added –‘To maintain the prestige of the Congress this bill must be introduced in the Assembly as soon as possible. Our political opponents are taking advantage of the fact that we have not introduced the Bill as yet as will be clear from the extract from the Monghyr District Intelligence Office Report’.

K. B. Sahay left no stone unturned in his effort to garner support in favour of the Zamindari Abolition Bill. He knocked at every door that mattered- Mahatma Gandhi, Dr Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad but did not get the support he needed.  Rather he was rebuffed by Sardar Patel who raised the question of compensation- ‘To take away Zamindaris without paying compensation would amount to robbery…..compensation must be adequate and not nominal’, Sardar Patel strongly deplored the proposal that the Maharajadhiraja of Darbhanga, who had an annual income of Rs 60 lakhs, should get Rs 25 lakhs as compensation. ‘How would they feel’, he asked ‘if they were put in his (Darbhanga’s) position?’ It was Swami Sahajanand Saraswati who came to K. B. Sahay’s rescue who was equally blunt in his rebuttal- ‘He (Darbhanga) would feel like a very happy criminal. Compensation is nothing but ‘legal dacoity’. It was Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru who ultimately extended the requisite support to K. B. Sahay. But that happened in 1950 when the Constitution had to be amended to accommodate the Bihar Zamindari Abolition Act. But in the intervening period i.e. 1946-1950, K. B. Sahay faced tremendous opposition for his effort to abolish zamindari. His repeated stress on the abolition of zamindari alerted the Zamindars who realized that his resolve was not mere hollow words but resoluteness of determined leadership. They waited for their moment and therefore prepared themselves to retaliate at an opportune moment. The moment of retaliation came soon in the form of settlement of land in Sathi in Bettiah Estate in favour of Ram Narayan Prasad Sahi and his brother Ram Rekha Prasad Sahi.

In 1946 when the Congress Ministry took over, K. B. Sahay laid down certain guidelines for settlement of the land of the Bettiah Raj.  On 3^rd September 1946 K. B. Sahay issued instructions to the Board of Revenue that the lands should be settled with the tenants of the village or neighbouring villages on payment of the ten times the rent as ‘Salaami’ and only in special cases should a reference be made to the Government for orders.

On 19^th July 1946, Ram Prasad Narain Sahi, the then excise-commissioner along with his brother applied to the Government of Bihar through General Manager, Bettiah Raj for settlement of 200 bighas of land, preferably in the Sathi or Matiria farm and 110 bighas of wastelands known as Matiria Chaturbhuj Rekhant on payment of proper rent. This settlement was made on 18^th November 1946. Almost immediately this settlement led to controversy as local people went up in agitation that such settlement should have been made with the local tenants in the first instance. A complaint was forwarded to Dr Rajendra Prasad, both by the President, Raiyats’ Sabha, Sathi, Bettiah (Champaran) as well by a handful of K. B. Sahay’s detractors from his native place i.e. Hazaribagh. It was alleged that 500 acres of land were settled with Ram Prasad Narayan Sahi and Ram Rekha Prasad Sahi who were relatives of the Premier Sri Krishna Sinha. There was truth in this allegation for R.P.N. Sahi’s nephew (i.e. Ram Rekha Prasad Sahi’s son) was married to the daughter of Mahesh Prasad Sinha, MLA, and a close confidant of Sri Krishna Sinha.

Did the Sathi episode jolt K.B. Sahay in his endeavour to abolish Zamindari? Not the least. K. B. Sahay was not only aware of the implications of his decision which was contrary to the guidelines set by him but was also prepared to face the repercussions of his decision. He did not benefit personally from this settlement but the issue did fetch him the unconditional support of the Bihar Premier in his efforts to abolish zamindari through Legislative means. This unconditional support of the Premier was essential to tackle the hordes of zamindars that had been after his blood and had been knocking at the doors of Dr Rajendra Prasad to intervene.

However, the zamindars applied other means to silence K.B. Sahay. Just a few days before the Zamindari Abolition Bill was to be introduced in the Assembly, K. B. Sahay was run over and seriously injured in a motor accident in September 1947. K. B. Sahay narrowly escaped this attempt on his life. While the zamindars were still engaged at stalling the legislative process of abolishing zamindari, the events took a new twist as K.B. Sahay rose to reply to a short notice question by Harinath Mishra M.L.A. and Gauri Shankar Dalmia, M.L.A. on the Floor of the Bihar Legislative Assembly 9^th October 1947. A notice of interpellation was given by Harinath Mishra, M.L.A. in which he wanted to know the names of persons to whom permits were given for molasses and the name of the person recommending them. In answer to this question in the Assembly, K.B. Sahay gave out some startling information regarding the issue of permits for molasses, which caused considerable public irritation. Molasses constitute the basic mother liquor after extraction of sugar from sugarcane in the sugar mills and is a sweetish and tacky fluid. It is used for making liquor in distilleries and also largely for mixing with tobacco for hukkah purposes. Ninety per cent of the molasses was under the Molasses Control Act, statutorily allotted to the distilleries. Of the remaining ten per cent, distribution was left to the factories, but the Excise Commissioner Mr R.P.N. Sahi (who later became Commissioner, Patna) issued certain recommendations for the issue of molasses to certain recipients. The control rate was four annas a maund. The market price was Rs. 5/- per maund. Amongst the list of recipients of permits provided by the Excise Commissioner and quoted by K.B. Sahay on the floor of the House were several persons who had given their addresses C/O several prominent Congress leaders, Congressmen, M.L.A.s and even some Hon’ble Ministers and one or two high officials. This disclosure was held to have adversely affected the prestige of the Government as well as that of Congress by some people. (Extracts of notes of K.S.V. Raman on file dated: 16^th January 1948)

The fact of the matter was K.B. Sahay was not officially in charge of this Department which was held by Jagat Lal Chaudhary. But owing to fundamental differences over a policy, Chaudhary had sent in his resignation to the Premier. The resignation was not accepted, yet Chaudhary refused to deal with the files and the Prime Minister had requested K.B. Sahay to look after the files of the Excise Department. The state of things continued for months before K.B. Sahay formally took charge. He stopped the practice forthwith. But the cases pertained to a period before he had taken charge of the excise ministry.   

J.B. Kriplani, the Congress President, referred the matter to the Congress Parliamentary Board (CPB). The CPB in its meeting dated 4^th July 1948 passed a resolution entrusting Secretary, CPB and General Secretary AICC Shankarrao Deo to visit Bihar and investigate the matter. Shankarao Deo visited Bihar during 19^th-21^st October 1948 and after thorough investigation submitted a 13-page report which came to be known as ‘Report of the Enquiry into Molasses Scandal in Bihar and other Matters’.

The ‘Bihar Molasses Scandal’ created a flutter in the political circle both in Patna and Delhi. The attention moved from the Sathi Case to this scandal as names of Congressmen and prominent Congress leaders from two different sides of the fence featured in both these cases. While the Central leadership of the Congress got down to damage control, all internal opposition that K.B. Sahay was battling in his effort to abolish the zamindari subsided for the moment as he got down to brass tacks to pilot the famous Bihar Land Reforms Bill (Bill 24) of 1949 to replace the impugned Zamindari Abolition Act of 1947 for the abolition of zamindari.

The matter finally came up before Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel who asked the Bihar Premier Sri Krishna Sinha to clarify the Government’s official stand on the issue. Ram Lakhan Singh Yadav has mentioned this episode in his memoir in an interesting manner. He writes that Sri Krishna Sinha was reluctant to meet Sardar Patel, the Swarasthra Mantri (as the Home Minister was then referred). At this point K.B. Sahay took upon himself the onus of meeting Patel and explaining the case. Krishna Ballabh Sahay explained to Sardar the implication of cancellation of the settlement of Sathi land but the Sardar remained adamant.  Krishna Ballabbh Sahay made it clear that the orders for cancellation will be challenged in the Court of Law and the Government will not be able to defend its decision. K.B. Sahay told Sardar Patel that ‘any relaxation of the Government orders settling the land with the Sahis will mean triumph for the party of the landlords and give a fillip to the spirit of violence created by the Socialists and the Communists. It will be followed by an attack upon lands settled with others against which the Socialists and the Communists have been carrying on vigorous propaganda. If Mr Sahi, who has a claim for the settlement of lands in the Bettiah Estate, is asked to return the lands, it will look invidious if Congressmen, with no claim whatsoever on the Bettiah Estate lands, are left free to retain their lands’. Sardar Patel had dismissed K. B. Sahay’s argument and had observed that ‘I am afraid, I cannot say anything in regard to the comparison or contrast which the Revenue Minister has made of this grant with the others because I do not know the nature and facts of other grants. Wrong is nonetheless wrong even if it is long upheld it does not become right merely because it would lead to some political disadvantages or it is one of the many other wrongs.’ 

Sardar Patel carried out a detailed enquiry of both these issues during the major part of the year 1949. Once again ‘The Indian Nation’ started a slander campaign against K.B. Sahay and his role in the Sathi Land Settlement case, well knowing the fact that K.B. Sahay was personally not benefitted out of this settlement. All these reports were duly forwarded to Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel by one Mr Ishwar Chandra Banerjee of Ganga Bhavan, Girish Chandra Banerjee Road, Bhagalpur, to influence the ongoing enquiry. However, Sardar Patel was least impressed by such tactics of the adversaries. Unlike Dr Rajendra Prasad or J. B. Kriplani, he did not take cognizance of these reports and consigned them to the dustbin. He was aware of the credibility of the newspaper which had apologized to K.B. Sahay just a couple of years back for filing a report titled ‘Secret Behind Zamindari Abolition’ (26^th May 1947) when K. B. Sahay had sued the paper for such unsubstantiated reports.

Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel finally completed his enquiry and submitted his report on 19^th October 1949. In the Bihar Molasses Case, Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel noted that ‘Papers do not show that the Minister (Jag Lal Chaudhary or K.B. Sahay) or the Ministry had any connection either directly or indirectly with the origin or conduct of this practice. None of the Ministers was directly involved in making recommendations or influencing the Excise Commissioner’.

In the Sathi Land Settlement, Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel noted that ‘...... in the light of the analysis of facts I regretfully conclude that the action of the Government in setting this Estate with R.P.N. Sahi and his brother was not justified, was contrary to their duty as Court of Wards of the Bettiah Estate and was in contravention of the policy laid down by the Government and involve a concession to Sahis which they did not deserve. It is, therefore, a matter of very serious consideration as to what action should be taken both in regard to the molasses scandal and the Bettiah Settlement. I have no doubt that conduct of Sri R.P.N. Sahi in both these transactions has been open to objections. Similarly, I am certain that the settlement of Sathi Farm with the Sahi brothers cannot be justified. As to what administrative action is possible at this stage to rectify the mistakes committed is a question, which can only be considered by or in consultation with, the Provincial Government.

In its meeting held on 16^th November 1949, the Congress Working Committee considered the Sardar Patel Report on the ‘Bihar Ministerial Affairs’ and accepted it and resolved that the Prime Minister of Bihar may address the issue of (i) Restoration of land as the transfer was illegal and (ii) Removal of Commissioner from service.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  Based on the resolution of the Congress Working Committee, on 7^th February 1950, the Government of Bihar wrote to the Sahis to return the land settled with them. In their reply dated 27^th February 1950, the Sahis refused to comply with Government orders. The Advocate General observed that the land cannot be taken back from the Sahis under the Bihar Tenancy Act nor can it be acquired under the Land Acquisition Act. A suit can, however, be filed for restoration of the land or special Legislation may be undertaken for the restoration of the land.

On 19^th April 1950, Sri Krishna Sinha informed Kala Venkat Rao of the Government’s decision to file suit against Ram Prasad Narayan Sahi and Ram Rekha Prasad Sahi. The Government followed it with the Sathi Land (Restoration) Act, 1950. The Act was challenged in the High Court by the Sahi brothers who won the case in the Court. The Patna High Court struck down the Sathi Land (Restoration) Act, 1950 thus upholding the prophecy of K.B. Sahay’s advice to Sardar Patel that the settlement was legally tenable, though may not be in propriety and hence the settlement cannot be challenged in a Court of Law since it did not contravene the spirit of the law.

(Courtesy: (i) National Archives, New Delhi (ii) Searchlight, Patna)

                               

'हमारी विरासत- हमारी धरोहर: 26: बीरचंद पटेल एवं कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय (07/12/2021)

बीरचंद पटेल 

कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय 

1963 में कामराज योजना के तहत बिहार के तात्कालिक मुख्यमंत्री पंडित बिनोदानंद झा को जब मुख्यमंत्री पद से हटाकर पार्टी संगठन के काम में लगाया गया तब एक साल के भीतर ही एक बार पुनः बिहार काँग्रेस विधायक दल के नेता के लिए चुनाव जरूरी हो गए।

ज्ञातव्य रहे कि 1962 में चुनाव के उपरांत काँग्रेस विधायक दल के नेता पद के लिए हुए चुनाव में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू की पंडित बिनोदानंद झा के हाथों हार हुई थी। दरअसल अपनी काबिलियत के बावजूद कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू जातिगत समीकरण बनाने में असफल रहे थे और पंडित बिनोदानंद झा के ब्राह्मण, राजपूत गठबंधन के समक्ष टिक नहीं पाये थे। पंडित बिनोदानंद झा कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू के प्रति सदा सशंकित रहते थे। अतः अपने मंत्रिमंडल में उन्होंने उन्हें अपेक्षित कम महत्वपूर्ण सहकारिता विभाग का मंत्री बनाया। ये और बात थी कि कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने बतौर सहकारिता मंत्री भी अपनी काबिलियत से सबों को, खासकर पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू, को चमत्कृत कर दिया। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू का मानना था कि सहकारिता द्वारा ही ग्रामीण स्वराज्य संभव है। आज उनके जाने के लगभग पचास वर्षों बाद जुलाई 2021 में भारत सरकार द्वारा एक अलग सहकारिता मंत्रालय की स्थापना किया जाना एक दृष्टि से स्वराज की स्थापना में सहकारिता के महत्व की स्वीकारोक्ति है। ‘सहकारिता से समृद्धि’ की जो बात आज 2021में भारत सरकार एक अलग मंत्रालय की स्थापना कर, कर रही है उसकी बात आज से साठ वर्षों पहले 1963 में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू करते थे और इसे अमल में भी लाने में सफल रहे थे। यह कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू की विलक्षण दूरदर्शिता का परिचायक है।

1963 में जमशेदपुर में जमशेदपुर-गोलमुरी को ओपेरटिव द्वारा आयोजित एक समारोह में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने कहा था ‘गरीब जनता के लिए असली स्वराज्य की परिकल्पना सहकारिता क्रांति से ही संभव है’।  इस विजन पर अमल करते हुए उन्होंने जो महत्वपूर्ण निर्णय लिए उससे यह विभाग कृषि एवं सम्बद्ध क्रियाकलापों यथा दुग्ध एवं मत्स्य पालन, मधुमक्खी पालन और ग्रामीण लघु एवं कुटीर उद्योगों यथा बुनकरों और काश्तकारों के बीच एक मजबूत कड़ी बनकर उभरा। इस विभाग ने ग्रामीण रोजगार के नए अवसर पैदा किए जिसके लिए केंद्रीय दल ने भी इस विभाग के प्रयासों की भूरि-भूरि प्रशंसा की।  

तो 1963 में जब काँग्रेस विधायक दल के नेता के चुनाव के लिए काँग्रेसी विधायक सदाकत आश्रम में एकत्रित हुए तब एक ओर कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू थे तो दूसरी ओर उनके समक्ष बीरचंद पटेल थे जिन्हें पंडित बिनोदानंद झा का समर्थन प्राप्त था। इस बार कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने अपने पत्ते सही रखे थे। कोइरी, कुर्मी, और यादव के ‘त्रिवेणी संघ’ की मदद से वे चुनाव जीतने में सफल रहे। विधायक दल के नेता पद के लिए हुए चुनाव में कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू विजयी हुए और बिहार के चौथे मुख्यमंत्री बने। किन्तु कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू अपने पूर्ववर्ती की तरह प्रतिशोधी नहीं थे और बीरचंद पटेल के साथ उन्होंने वैसा सलूक नहीं किया जैसा उनके साथ हुआ था। बीरचंद पटेल की योग्यता को ध्यान में रखते हुए उन्होंने श्री पटेल को अपने मंत्रिमंडल में राजस्व मंत्रालय का महत्वपूर्ण विभाग सौंपा। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू बीरचंद पटेल को व्यक्तिगत रूप से जानते थे। उन्हें पता था कि श्री पटेल को उनके खिलाफ उनके विरोधियों द्वारा खड़ा करवाया गया था। इसलिए इन दोनों में इस मुद्दे को लेकर कभी कोई वैमनष्य नहीं रहा। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू में यह गुण था कि किसी ने उनकी कभी भी किसी प्रकार की मदद की हो तो वे उसे जीवनपर्यंत याद रखते थे और किसी न किसी तरीके से उसका मूल्य अवश्य चुका देते थे। 1957-1962 के बीच कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू मंत्री तो क्या विधायक भी नहीं थे। तब बतौर स्वास्थ्य मंत्री बीरचंद पटेल ने उनके पुत्र की रांची में चिकित्सा के उत्तम प्रबंध करवाए थे। मदद की बाबत इस बात की पुष्टि स्वयं कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने बिहार विधान सभा में एक बहस के दौरान की थी। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू पर बीरचंद पटेल का यह मदद उधार स्वरूप बकाया था। बीरचंद पटेल को कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने कभी अपना प्रतिद्वंदी नहीं वरन अपना मित्र ही माना। इसलिए कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने उन्हें राजस्व विभाग का महत्वपूर्ण मंत्रालय की ज़िम्मेदारी सौंप कर पुराना उधार चुकाया।     

नवंबर 1963 में जब राष्ट्रीय विकास परिषद ने तीसरी पंचवर्षीय योजना के मध्यावधि मूल्यांकन के बाद भूमि-सुधार कार्यान्वयन कमिटी का गठन किया तब कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय के अनुभव और योग्यता को देखते हुए उन्हें इस कमिटी के सदस्य के तौर पर चुना गया। इस कमिटी के अध्यक्ष भूतपूर्व प्रधानमंत्री गुलज़ारी लाल नन्दा थे। कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू इस कमिटी की मीटिंग के सिलसिले में जब भी दिल्ली गए राजस्व मंत्री बीरचंद पटेल के साथ गए। इन दोनों ने इस कमिटी के मेम्बर के बतौर भूमि-सुधार के लिए महत्वपूर्ण अनुशंसाएँ दी जिसे राष्ट्रीय विकास परिषद ने स्वीकार भी किया।

कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू के मुख्यमंत्रित्व काल में एक बार पुनः भूमि-सुधार के अपूर्ण कार्यों पर काम शुरू हुआ। बीरचंद पटेल ने भूमि-सुधार से संबन्धित कई कानून विधानसभा से पारित किए और कुछ क़ानूनों में संशोधन किए गए। इस दौरान इन दोनों ही नेताओं के बीच जो तारतम्य था वो देखते ही बनता था। इनमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण विधेयक बिहार भूमि सुधार (सीलिंग क्षेत्रों का निर्धारण और अधिशेष भूमि का अधिग्रहण) एक्ट, 1964 था। इस कानून द्वारा प्रत्येक परिवार के लिए अधिकतम भूमि सीमा का निर्धारण किया गया था और अतिरिक्त भूमि का अधिग्रहण कर भूमिहीनों के बीच वितरण का प्रस्ताव था। एक बार पुनः यह विधेयक कानूनी जटिलताओं और विधानसभा में टलताऊ बहसों में उलझा किन्तु कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू और श्री पटेल इस विधेयक को पारित करवाने में सफल रहे। इस काल में छोटानागपुर टेनेन्सी एक्ट और संथाल परगना टेनेन्सी एक्ट में संशोधन किए गए।

एक अन्य महत्वपूर्ण विधेयक बिहार शहरी भूमि कर एक्ट 1964 था जिसके तहत शहरी भूमि एवं मकानों पर कर लगाने का प्रस्ताव था। इस विधेयक का सबसे अधिक विरोध समाजवादी पार्टी के सदस्यों ने किया। सदस्यों के विरोध का जवाब बीरचंद पटेल ने संजीदगी से दिया। इस अवसर पर दिया गया उनका भाषण रोचक था। उन्होंने विपक्ष को जवाब देते हुए कहा-‘कहते है प्यार सोच-समझ कर नहीं किया जाता। इसी प्रकार कर लगाकर कोई भी सरकार लोकप्रिय नहीं होती। किन्तु यह कर लगाना हमारी मजबूरी है क्योंकि शहरीकरण के इस दौर में शहरों में मूलभूत सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराना सरकार का दायित्व है और यह तभी संभव जब इसके लिए अतिरिक्त धनराशि की व्यवस्था की जाये। यह कर इसीलिए प्रस्तावित है’। एक समाजवादी सदस्य के इस प्रश्न पर कि ‘यदि किसी के पास शहर में दस बीघा जमीन हो और वो झोपड़ी में रहे तो क्या उस पर इस कानून के तहत कर की देनदारी बनेगी’?, बीरचंद पटेल ने विपक्ष को ऐसे प्राक्कल्पनात्मक प्रश्नों से इस टैक्स की उपादेयता पर संशय व्यक्त करने से बाज आने की नसीहत देते हुए जो जवाब दिया वह भी समाजवाद की काफी रोचक व्याख्या कर गया-‘आप झोपड़ी का नाम लेकर गरीबों को इस टैक्स में फंसाना चाहते हैं। आप समाजवादी काम करते हैं अमीरों का और नाम लेते हैं गरीबों का। आप बड़े-बड़े साहूकारों और अमीरों से पाँच रुपये सैकड़ा लें तो हम भी आपका हाथ मजबूत करने के लिए तैयार हैं। किन्तु आपका समाजवाद ऐसा है कि एक गज़ कपड़ा और दस गज़ कपड़ा बदन पर रखने वाले आदमी से एक-एक गज़ कपड़ा लेने की बात हो तो आपके समाजवाद में एक गज़ कपड़ा रखने वाला नंगा हो जाये और दस गज़ कपड़ा रखने वाला व्यक्ति नौ गज़ कपड़ा रख ले। आपके कथनानुसार आलीशान मकान में रहनेवाले अमीरों से भी सरकार वही कर ले जो शहरों में झोपड़ी में रहने वालों गरीबों से ले। यह सोच सस्ती लोकप्रियता पाने और सस्ते नेतृत्व देनेवाले दलों का है, हमारी पार्टी का काम कभी ऐसा नहीं हो सकता। 1960 में टाटा को आपने ज़मीन लौटा दिया जिससे सरकार को प्रत्येक वर्ष सात लाख रुपये का घाटा हो रहा है। आप समाजवादी टाटा को रियायत देना चाहते हैं बड़े लोगों को और बड़ा बनाना चाहते हैं और छोटे लोग मारे जाते हैं’। बीरचंद पटेल के इस धाराप्रवाह वक्तव्य ने विपक्ष की बोलती बंद कर दी। अंततः यह एक्ट पारित हुआ और सरकार शहरी विकास के लिए संसाधन की व्यवस्था कर पायी।