'THE LEGACY': 28: SANTHAL PARGANAS TENANCY ACT, 1949, HON'BLE SHRIMATI DROUPADI MURMU & KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (24/07/2022)

 Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act 1949, 

Hon’ble Srimati Draupadi Murmu and Krishna Ballabh Sahay

PRESIDENT-ELECT SRIMATI DROUPADI MURMU

KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY 

'LOST CASES LAWYER VS SINHA' (THE TELEGRAPH)

Today, on the eve of the swearing-in ceremony of the fifteenth President of the Republic of India, the attention shifts to the political turmoil in the state of Jharkhand six years ago. Then the Bharatiya Janata Party's Raghubir Das's government was in power in the State when in 2016, an ordinance was brought by the government amending the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908 and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949, which were proved to be an 'obstacle' in the all-round 'development' of the state. The entire Santhal Parganas and Chotanagpur went up in flares in protest of the proposed ordinance.

Before coming to the main issue, let us look at the history of these two Acts. After the Hul rebellion in 1876, the British government passed the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act in 1885. This law was brought by a foreign ruler with the aim of ruling the 'subject'. Therefore, when the country became independent, this law was amended to protect the interests of the tribal citizens of Indian Republic. Thus the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949 became the first codified law of tenancy in the Santhal Pargana division of Jharkhand. This law was conceptualized by Krishna Ballabh Sahay, who was then the Revenue Minister of Bihar. In a special session, K. B. Sahay presented proposals related to amendments in various sections of the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act, 1908 and the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act, 1949. The first amendment was made in Section 20 of the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act 1949, which held any transfer of land made by a raiyat to any other person by way of sale, gift, mortgage, bequest, lease or contract to be void. All transfers of tribal land were banned by this amendment, except in a few instances. Often such transfers were in the name of Diku i.e. non-tribals. Similarly, by amending Section 42 of this Act, the Deputy Commissioner (Collector of the district) was empowered to pass an order to evict any person at any time either on his own motion or on an application made to him, who had encroached upon the tribal land. The Act also provisioned for the appointment of hereditary village headmen (pradhan/mulrayat) in all villages. It should be noted that even in 1949, this law faced heavy opposition from the treasury bench. Justifying the amendment, K. B. Sahay maintained that the amendment would mitigate the sufferings and oppressions of the tenants to a considerable extent. Opposition to the Amendment came from some of the public men of state, who did not want occupancy rights should accrue to raiyats on such lands which were within the ceiling area (The Searchlight, 12.12.1954)

The ordinance brought by the Raghubar Das government in 2016 proposed to amend these Sections to remove both the restrictions related to –(i) non-agricultural use of agricultural land and (ii) sale of tribal land to non-tribals. There was strong opposition to these amendments all over Jharkhand. Ignoring these protests, the Government introduced a Bill in the House, based on this ordinance, when the session was convened and got it passed within three minutes without any debate. The government publicized this as a significant achievement because after getting it passed in the House, it was now just a constitutional formality to get the assent of the Governor on these Bills. But it was here that the Raghuvar Das government suffered a rude shock when unexpectedly the then Governor Srimati Draupadi Murmu refused to give her assent to the Bill related to these amendments. The decision taken by Her Excellency the Governor at her discretion made her a 'People’s Governor'. It appeared the Hon’ble Governor had assented to the 'Vision' of Krishna Ballabh Babu, in rejecting these amendments. The sympathy that Babu Krishna Ballabh Babu had for the tribals was reflected in this decision of Srimati Draupadi Murmu. Our best wishes to her on becoming the 15th President of the Republic of India.

Lastly, a few words for Sri Yashwant Sinha- the other candidate in this Presidential election. In the Nineties, Yashwant Sinha used to be the Bharatiya Janata Party's candidate from the Hazaribagh Parliamentary constituency where he was always suspicious of Krishna Ballabh Babu's grandson, the deceased Prashant Sahay. Prashant Sahay was a rising youth leader and a successful criminal lawyer. During the election campaign, while appealing to the voters, he used to raise a single issue- 'Choose you may any candidate but not Yashwant Sinha'. More of this tussle in some other episode!

SEDITION AND KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (12/05/2022)

KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY DELIVERING A PUBLIC SPEECH

“.........I shall show to my hon’ble friend Mr Naimul Haq when the occasion comes that I am a greater seditionist, but my field of activity will not be the floor of this House. I shall preach sedition outside. You have to take risks whereas here in the House you are protected by law.

Sir, it is cowardly to create hatred under the protection of the law when we know that we are in a privileged position as a member of this House and will not be hauled up before a Court of law.  I do not think it will be any bar to criticise any government in power, whether it is the Congress Government or a Government of Mr Chandreshwar Prasad Narayan Sinha. 

If I am in Opposition and another Government is in power, I depend upon public opinion and the rectitude of the Chair.  I repeat that if I have to preach sedition, I shall go outside and preach sedition. That will be by taking the risk and not by occupying a seat in the Opposition enjoying the privilege as a member of this House. 

'THE LEGACY': 27: 'THE BAHADUR FAQIR' PROFESSOR ABDUL BARI AND KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (03/05/2022)

PROFESSOR ABDUL BARI (1892- 28 MARCH 1947)

KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY
(31 DECEMBER 1898- 3 JUNE 1974)

On 13^th October 1939, Mr Saiyid Mohiuddin Ahmad, hon’ble member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly, moved an adjournment motion seeking the attention of the House towards the serious situation in Jamshedpur on account of a labour strike. Simultaneously another adjournment motion was moved by Mohammad Yunus, also on the same ground, citing the 28^th September incident in Jamshedpur. This was published in the ‘The Searchlight’ in its 30^th September 1939 edition- a newspaper owned by Mohammad Yunus. Both the motions questioned the role of Professor Abdul Bari, the noted trade union leader. Interestingly, Professor Bari was also the Deputy Speaker of the House from 1937to 39 when the Congress Ministry was in power.

It may be pertinent to mention here that Professor Abdul Bari had played an active role in uniting the worker section of Bihar, Bengal and Orissa for the freedom struggle movement in 1921, 1922 and 1942. A post-graduate in the Arts stream from Patna, he was greatly influenced by Mahatma Gandhi during the latter’s visit to Patna in 1917. He was an active member of the Non-Cooperation movement in 1920.

On 31^st December 1922, the Gaya session of Congress decided to oppose Council entry as provided in the Government of India Act, 1919 (popularly known as the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms). But Motilal Nehru and Chittranjan Das decided in favour of Council entry and they formed the Congress Khilafat Swaraj Party on the very same day in a meeting held on the premises of Raja of Tekari Estate who was Motilal Nehru’s client. At the state level, the leaders met at Patna on the 26^th of February 1923 and formed a nucleus of this new party as per the decisions of the central leadership. Narayan Prasad of Chhapra was elected President of Bihar Congress-Khilafat Swaraj Party. Professor Abdul Bari was elected Secretary, while K. B. Sahay and Harnandan Sahay of Chhapra were elected Assistant Secretaries. This was the first time K. B. Sahay came in touch with Professor Bari and almost immediately they developed a close bond that remained intact lifelong. The Bihar branch of the Swarajya Party met again at Gaya on the 9^th of May 1923 and set up a new executive for the work in this province. Dr Arunjay Sahay Verma was elected President and K. B. Sahay and Professor Abdul Bari became Secretaries.

Professor Abdul Bari went on to become the Vice-Chairman of the Bihar Labour Enquiry Committee under the Chairmanship of Dr Rajendra Prasad. The Report submitted by this august body in 1940 constituted the first authentic document on the labour situation in Bihar in general and at Jamshedpur in particular. 

Besides this, Professor Bari’s political interest and the vision to bring about labour welfare effectively saw him undertake many other crucial roles in his lifetime. With the appearance of Prof. Abdul Bari on the scene in 1936, the movement took deep roots. Till now the labour movement was divided into regional lines- viz the Odiya group, the Adibashi group etc and was thus not united. A psychological thrust was given to the movement when Professor Abdul Bari changed the name of the Labour Association to "Tata Workers' Union". The unity and maturity that Professor Bari brought about among the TISCO workers were so strong that they survived all political onslaughts with perfect confidence. Under his dynamic leadership, the Union launched its struggle for a thorough revision of the wage structure, introduction of the incentive bonus scheme, etc. Fighting the cause of the poor and the downtrodden was a common personality trait of these two leaders- K. B. Sahay advocated the cause of peasants, and Abdul Bari advocated the cause of the labours.

Let’s go back to the adjournment motion moved by Mr Saiyid Mohiuddin Ahmad. On 9^th October 1939, the then Sub-divisional Officer of Jamshedpur had promulgated Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code to control the law and order situation arising out of clashes among labours owing allegiance to different unions after a labour strike in TISCO. Mr Saiyid Mohiuddin questioned the authority of the Sub-divisional Officer to impose Section 144 and wanted the House to discuss the conduct of the officer and pass necessary directives. He was supported by Mohammad Yunus who waved the copy of ‘The Searchlight’ to seek an adjournment motion from the Speaker. The Speaker desperately sought a response from the treasury bench.

The Hon’ble the Speaker: ‘What have Government to say?’

It was at this stage Krishna Ballabh Sahay, the Parliamentary Secretary, intervened on behalf of the Government and defended the action of the SDO, Jamshedpur and also justified Professor Abdul Bari’s role in labour strike- ‘We know the order that the Sub-divisional Officer promulgated on the 9^th instant was the issue of a notice under Section 144 of the Cr. P.C. Now, Sir, this order under Section 144 of the Cr. P. C. is a judicial order and it is an order which is appealable. Sir, if my friend showed what the Police had done probably my friend would have been within limits. Sir, it appears my friend has transgressed the limit of discussion in this House. On these grounds, Sir, I think the motion ought not to be admitted.’

Mr Saiyid Mohiuddin Ahmad (intervening)-‘Sir, one gentleman, who is supposed to be the leader of the workers in question,- Professor Abdul Bari- prevents the workers from going back to their work’.

Mr Krishna Ballabh Sahay: Sir, after hearing my hon’ble friend, Mr Mohiuddin, I do not see my way to change the opinion that I expressed that his motion does not appear to me to be admissible. Mr Mohiuddin is an astute lawyer, but I must say that on this occasion he has given his case away by raising the two points- namely that there has been deterioration in the situation in Jamshedpur and secondly, that Mr Bari is not a proper person to lead the labour movement in Jamshedpur. Sir, as regards the deterioration in the situation, since he has raised that point, I would like to say that my friend has failed to point out what connection it has with the Government, and, secondly, that the deterioration is not a matter of recent occurrence. If there has been deterioration, it must have commenced several months back.  My friend has also not been able to tell the House what deterioration in the labour situation has to do with Government. Therefore, it does not come within the rules for the admissibility of the adjournment motion.

Secondly, Sir, my friend has said a lot about Professor Abdul Bari regarding his fitness as a labour leader. Opinion differs, but I can say that Professor Bari has brought in healthy leadership in Jamshedpur which was lacking badly. Professor Bari has nothing to do with the Government. He is certainly the Deputy Speaker of the Assembly, but he does not form part of the Government. If Mr Mohiuddin will refer to the Assembly proceedings, he will find that in reply to a question I said that the Deputy Speaker is not a part of the Government and Professor Abdul Bari is not responsible for any of the actions of the Government. Therefore, his action cannot come under discussion and the Government cannot be blamed for what Professor Bari might be doing. So far as Professor Bari being a favourite of the Government, my reply is that at least people in Chhotanagpur say that Mr Mohiuddin is also a blue boy of the Congress Government’.

At this juncture the then Advocate-General arrived in the House and Mr Mohiuddin jumped in exclamation to see him- ‘Sir, May I look up to him to correct Mr K. B. Sahay? An order under Section 144 of Cr. P.C. is essentially an executive order’.

But the Advocate General’s opinion went contrary to the interpretation of a lawyer of Mr S. Mohiuddin’s stature and it also vindicated the stand of K. B. Sahay. The Advocate General informed the House that ‘it has been held by the Hon’ble High Court in 1928 in the case of Govind Marwari of Banka that order passed under Section 144 is a judicial order. It is an order passed for emergency’.

The clarification from the Advocate-General diluted the plea for an adjournment motion. The Speaker who was waiting for a valid argument accepted the clarification of the Advocate General and held that ‘the Chair finds that the motion is not free from vagueness, it is not definite in the sense contemplated by the rules. Nor has the responsibility of the Government alleged by the hon’ble member been definitely stated. Under the circumstances, I do not see my way to rule this motion also in order.’

The above incident is a fine example of K. B. Sahay’s intelligence that was better than the best of lawyers and was comparable to those of an Advocate-General in matters of law and its interpretation. Bihar never got a better Parliamentary Secretary who was so thorough with his subject. It may be pertinent to mention here that the leadership of Professor Abdul Bari was questioned by his Muslim brethren of the Muslim League and he was defended by K. B. Sahay whose argument was above the petty considerations of caste and religion. Such camaraderie among freedom fighters cutting across caste, creed and religion has become a thing of the past. This was the ‘SECULARISM’ that Congress professed and of which leaders like K. B. Sahay were the flag-bearers in the best of Parliamentary traditions. Those who mock the definition of ‘secularism’ need to learn a lesson or two from the conduct of K. B. Sahay and his ardent friend and political associate Professor Abdul Bari. Commitment to the creed of secularism was a common characteristic of these two leaders.

To conclude the story we go back to the outcome of the labour strike in Jamshedpur. After a prolonged struggle for a decade and repeated strike threats in 1945 and 1946, an Agreement was signed in February 1948 by the Union and the Management which not only secured higher wages and better working conditions but significantly stipulated the formation of joint committees with equal representation to ensure better understanding and settlement of disputes by negotiations. But, before the advent of this new era of conciliation in place of conflict, our beloved leader and great patriot, Prof. Bari, died under tragic circumstances on 28th March 1947. In 1946 he became the President of the Bihar Pradesh Congress Committee. On a fateful day, he was on his way to Patna from Jamshedpur on Mahatma Gandhi’s request to control the situation there. Unfortunately, he was shot dead by a Gurkha constable near the Fatuah Railway crossing on a mistaken notion. The conspiracy theory was also not ruled out and it was alleged that he was eliminated to weaken the voice of the labours. K. B. Sahay also died an unnatural death in a controversial motor car accident and the theory of conspiracy even in this case was not ruled out. This was another similarity in the life and death of these two eminent leaders.  

Mahatma Gandhi visited Professor Bari’s native place in Koelwar to pay homage to this great soul. He called him ‘the Bahadur Faqir’ (the fiery hermit) This is the same Koelwar which was the native place of Krishna Ballabh Sahay’s ancestors also before his father moved to Sheikhpura in Patna where K. B. Sahay was born. Interestingly, Professor Bari’s father Qurbaan Ali also left Koelwar and moved to Kinsua in Jehanabad which happens to be the birthplace of Abdul Bari. The famous railroad bridge on the river Sone at Koelwar that connects Arrah with Patna is named after Professor Bari.

(Courtesy: (i) Bihar Assembly Debates 1937-1939, (ii) Lost Muslim Heritage of Bihar (iii) The Politics of the Labour Movement: An Essay on Differential Aspirations- Dilip Simeon (iv) Abdul Bari- Wikipedia (v) Tata Worker Union pays tribute to Professor Abdul Bari-Read it India (vi) Official website of Tata Worker’s Union)

  

'THE LEGACY': 26: ‘The Scholar Speaker’ Dr LAKSHMI NARAYAN ‘SUDHANSHU’ & KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY (17/04/2022)

DR LAKSHMI NARAYAN 'SUDHANSHU'
(15 DECEMBER 1906- 17 APRIL 1974)

KRISHNA BALLABH SAHAY 
(31 DECEMBER 1898-3 JUNE 1974)

Dr Laxmi Narayan Sudhanshu was born on 15 December 1906 in an aristocratic family at Rupaspur Purnia. He was intelligent since childhood and had a knack for reading and writing. Keeping this in mind, his father Shri Dhanpat Singh got him enrolled in the school at Purnia. Later he was sent off to Bhagalpur for secondary education. He completed his higher education at Banaras Hindu University. From the very beginning, he was interested in literature. Many of his works were published during college life.

After completing his studies Dr Lakshmi Narayan Sudhanshu joined the college at Deoghar as a teacher and later on was elevated to the post of Principal of the Govardhan Sahitya Mahavidyalaya under Hindi Vidyapeeth, Deoghar in the thirties. Dr Sudhanshu later joined the Congress and became active in the Quit India Movement of 1942. He was elected to the Bihar Legislative Assembly in 1946. He became the President of the Bihar Pradesh Congress Committee in 1950. However, Dr Lakshmi Narayan Sudhanshu was primarily an educationist and a litterateur and even during the freedom struggle and thereafter as a member of Assembly and later on as Speaker of Bihar Vidhan Sabha his love for literature remained intact as he continued to contribute to the field of Hindi literature. 

Krishna Ballabh Babu began his literary career as the Chotanagpur correspondent of the Calcutta based 'Amrit Bazar Patrika' during his student life. Later Krishna Ballabh Babu started publication of a magazine named 'Chhotanagpur Darpan' from Hazaribagh which continued for many years. Similarly, Dr Laxmi Narayan Sudhanshu started the publication of a weekly named 'Rashtra-Vani' in 1939. From 1952 to 1956, Dr Sudhanshu started the publication of the monthly literary magazine 'Avantika' in Hindi. In 1955, he established a cultural organization in Purnea called the Kala Bhavan, where cultural and literary programs were organized regularly. In 1961, Dr Sudhanshu was nominated as the President of Bihar Rashtrabhasha Parishad. In the 1962 elections, Dr Sudhanshu won the Assembly elections from Dhamdaha on a Congress ticket and was unanimously elected as the Speaker of the Bihar Legislative Assembly. As the Speaker of the House Dr Sudhanshu played an important role in upholding the dignity of the House and always carried out his responsibility impartially. During the proceedings of the Bihar Legislative Assembly, there were many occasions when he succeeded in checking the rancour among members and normalizing the atmosphere with his eloquence and literary acumen. He always took care that there should be no disturbance during the proceedings of the House. Dr Sudhanshu used to go out of his way to seek the cooperation of members of the House to maintain the dignity of the house and often used his literary acumen to lighten the tense atmosphere from blowing out of proportion.

During this period i.e. 1962-1967 Dr Sudhanshu came in contact with Krishna Ballabh Sahay. Their love for literature and their association with various newspapers and periodicals over the years brought these two stalwarts near. Krishna Ballabh Sahay took over as the Chief Minister of Bihar in 1963. Dr Sudhanshu was the Speaker of the House. This was a unique moment in the history of the Bihar Legislative Assembly when the Chief Minister of the State was a scholar of the English language and the Speaker was a scholar of the Hindi language. During debates, Krishna Ballabh Babu used to quote extensively the couplets by renowned Hindi poets such as Tulsidas, Bihari, Surdas, as well as English litterateurs such as William Shakespeare and William Wordsworth with equal ease and eloquence. Dr Sudhanshu often joined him in such debates in a scholarly manner.

There is an interesting incident when Dr Sudhanshu corrected K. B. Sahay’s Hindi. The Bihar Appropriation Bill 1965 was being debated in the House and Krishna Ballabh Babu was speaking in Hindi while throwing light on the importance of the Panchayat System. Putting his point before the House, Krishna Ballabh Babu said- 'In my opinion, the meaning of Panchayati Raj is to awaken the people's power in the countryside. The welfare of the local people can be done only through Panchayat Raj. For example, in Ranchi, the tribal population is 60-65% but there are only ten wells for them. We have to see that justice is done to tribals and backward castes and this is possible through Panchayati Raj. If we do something wrong then we are criticized so it is our responsibility to do justice to them’.

Dr Laxmi Narayan Sudhanshu was taken aback to hear 'if we do wrong things' and could not stop himself from interrupting Krishna Ballabh Sahay. He intervened to correct K.B. Sahay- ‘The Hon’ble Chief Minister should not say 'we do something wrong'. Instead, you should say 'when we make mistakes.' (‘आप ऐसा नहीं कहें कि ‘हम गलत काम करते हैं’। आप यह कहें कि ‘जब हमसे गलती होती है।’)

Krishna Ballabh Babu thanked the Speaker for correcting his Hindi-'Hon’ble Speaker Sir, I am not a Hindi scholar, so there may be a few mistakes in my language. I thank you for correcting me. What you say is correct’. K. B. Sahay then went ahead to complete his speech-‘There are Harijans and Adivasis in our state. The government has to see that justice is done to all. Therefore Panchayati Raj has been established in four districts and gradually it will be implemented in more districts’.

Dr Laxmi Narayan Sudhanshu was a man of few words. He used to be precise in his address and his style of oratory was such that the members used to get convinced by his directives. Thus Dr Sudhanshu was able to conduct the House smoothly without any adjournment. A similar incident happened on 2^nd February 1966. Krishna Ballabh Babu was presenting the ‘Report of the Annual Financial Statement of the State of Bihar for 1966-67’ in the House and he was reading out from the printed report. The Report is an account of the activities and achievements of various Ministries of the Government and the report is replete with statistical figures highlighting the government’s achievements. Naturally, members find such speeches quite boring. To break the monotony, some members broke into a conversation in a hush-hush tone. Dr Laxmi Narayan Sudhanshu was presiding over the House. He drew the attention of the members towards the dignity of the House and appealed to them to pay attention to the speech- 'Members are requested to maintain peace. If Members do not consider it necessary to listen to the printed speech, even then it is necessary to maintain silence’.

To break the monotony, Krishna Ballabh Babu sought the Speaker’s permission to speak without referring to the printed text- 'Hon’ble, Sir, if you so permit, I can also speak extempore without referring to the printed text because even I find it difficult to read out from a printed text'. The House was amazed at this request. Was it humanly possible to remember all the facts and figures of such a vast report? This meant that Krishna Ballabh Babu had not only read the entire report but had memorized every single figure in it- such was the level of intelligence of K. B. Sahay.

Even Dr Laxmi Narayan Sudhanshu was left surprised at the Chief Minister’s request. Since convention did not allow such relaxation, therefore the Hon’ble Speaker rejected Krishna Ballabh Babu's proposal citing the convention–'The practice of reading printed speech is followed, so you are requested to read out of the printed speech only'.

Taking a jibe at the Hon'ble Speaker’s decision, Kapil Dev Singh, the Praja Socialist Party MLA from Burhee commented that 'compared to the printed speech, the extempore speech of Hon'ble Chief Minister Krishna Ballabh Babu is better'. Krishna Ballabh Babu reassured Kapil Dev Singh that-'You will get many opportunities to hear me speak extempore during this budget session'. In fact, to listen to the fluent style in which Krishna Ballabh Babu spoke and occasionally quoted lines from poems of Hindi and English poets was always a pleasant and learning experience for the House.

During his Chief Ministership, when Krishna Ballabh Babu visited Purnia, he participated in the programs of 'Kala Bhavan'. In a photograph taken on the occasion, Krishna Ballabh Babu and Dr Sudhanshu can be seen interacting with each other in a happy mood, indicating the intense literary understanding between them.

Krishna Ballabh Babu lost the assembly election in 1967. He resumed the publication of 'Chhotanagpur Darpan' from Hazaribagh. Even though Krishna Ballabh Babu had lost the election, he remained in touch with Dr Sudhanshu and they used to discuss issues of common interest including literature. In 1969, Dr Sudhanshu was nominated as the President of Bihar Hindi Granth Academy. During their lifetime, Dr Sudhanshu and Krishna Ballabh Babu were associated with many educational institutions. Purnea College, Deoghar Vidyapeeth and Govardhan Sahitya Mahavidyalaya were some of the institutions of which Dr Sudhanshu was a founding member. Similarly, Krishna Ballabh Babu strived for the promotion of education. He established many schools and colleges in Chotanagpur, some of which were also named after him. Krishna Ballabh Babu was re-elected to the Bihar Legislative Council on 27 May 1974. But Dr Sudhanshu did not live to hear this good news. He died on 17^th April 1974. Krishna Ballabh Babu also died in a highly controversial motor car accident on 3 June the same year. Thus within a span of a couple of months, Bihar lost two of its illustrious sons who made a mark in the field of literature and were also freedom-fighter, educationists and a leader.

[Credits: (i) National Archives, New Delhi, (ii) Documents of the proceedings of the Bihar Legislative Assembly)

 

शहीद-ए-आज़म सरदार भगत सिंह, के. बी. सहाय एवं जमींदारी उन्मूलन (23/03/2022)

इतिहास गवाह है राष्ट्रहित बहुधा भिन्न-भिन्न विचारधारा के व्यक्तियों को भी एक सूत्र में बांधने में सक्षम होता है। शहीद-ए-आज़म सरदार भगत सिंह एवं के. बी. सहाय दो ऐसी ही शख्सियत हैं- जहां सरदार भगत सिंह एक क्रांतिकारी समाजवादी थे वहाँ बाबू कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय गांधीजी के अहिंसात्मक आंदोलन के पैरोकार। किन्तु जब समाज के गरीब एवं मुफ़लिस वर्ग के उत्थान का प्रश्न सामने आया तब इन दोनों ही शख्स को हम एकमत पाते हैं- दोनों समतावादी समाज के हिमायती थे और सामंतशाही एवं जमींदारी के कट्टर विरोधी। दोनों ही किसानों को उनकी जोत का स्वामित्व दिलाने को कृतसंकल्प थे। इन दोनों का ही मत था कि सरकार का प्राथमिक लक्ष्य जमींदारों से अतिरिक्त भूमि अपने कब्जे में लेकर इनका वितरण भूमिहीन मजदूरों एवं सीमांत किसानों करना है। दोनों ही न्यूनतम लगान अथवा मालगुज़ारी के पक्षधर थे। यह बहुत ही दिलचस्प संजोग है कि जमींदारी उन्मूलन एवं किसानों के उत्थान और ग्रामीण विकास के जिस एजेंडे का जिक्र सरदार भगत सिंह ने 2 फरवरी 1931 को अपने सहयोगियों को संबोधित पत्र में किया था, स्वतन्त्रता पश्चात ये सभी एजेंडे के.बी.सहाय द्वारा कार्यान्वित कृषि-सुधारों के आधार बने।

सरदार भगत सिंह का सर्वोच्च बलिदान, आनेवाली पीढ़ियों के लिए एक मिसाल है। 14 अगस्त 1947 की मध्य-रात्रि जब सारी दुनिया सो रही थी, भारत जीवन और स्वतन्त्रता की नई सुबह में आँखें खोल रहा था और यही वो क्षण था जब इसके नेतृत्व ने स्वतंत्रता-सेनानियों की आकांक्षाओं को पूरा करने का संकल्प लिया था। आज इतने वर्षों बाद इनमें से कई वायदें पूरे हुए। आज भी हम अधूरे वायदों को हासिल करने की दिशा में प्रयासरत हैं। राष्ट्र निर्माण एक सतत प्रक्रिया है और यह काल-कालांतर तक जारी रहेगा। भारत ने हाल के दिनों में जो प्रगति की है, वह हर भारतीय को अपने देश पर फ़क्र करने की वजह देता है।

सरदार भगत सिंह एक क्रांतिकारी समाजवादी थे। वे विदेशी साम्राज्यवादी शासन के प्रबल विरोधी थे। किन्तु साथ ही अपने देशवासियों को इन साम्राज्यवादियों के मित्रों, जिसमें जागीरदार एवं जमींदार आदि शामिल थे, के सभी प्रकार के अन्याय एवं ज़ुल्मों-सितम के खिलाफ आवाज उठाने के लिए भी प्रेरित किया। इतिहास के एक पहलू से हम सभी वाकिफ हैं कि विधानसभा बम मामले में सरदार भगत सिंह और बटुकेश्वर दत्त पर मुकदमा चलाया गया था। लेकिन जो बात आम तौर पर नहीं पता वो ये है कि सरदार भगत सिंह ने असेंबली बम केस में ट्रायल के दौरान कोर्ट में एक बयान दिया था जो किसानों के प्रति उनकी प्रतिबद्धता का ऐतिहासिक दस्तावेज़ है। उन्होंने कहा था और मैं उद्धरित करता हूँ -“उत्पादक और श्रमिक समाज का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण वर्ग हैं। किन्तु शोषक वर्ग उनकी गाढ़ी कमाई को लूटता है और उन्हें बुनियादी अधिकारों से भी वंचित रखता है। किसान, जो सबके लिए अन्न उगाते हैं, अपने परिवार के साथ भूखा सोने को मजबूर है, समस्त दुनिया के लिए कपड़ा बुनने वाले बुनकरों के पास अपने बच्चों को पहनाने को पर्याप्त कपड़े नहीं होते, भव्य महल बनाने वाले बढ़ई, लोहार और राजमिस्त्री खुद झुग्गी-झोपड़ियों में रहने को अभिशप्त हैं। पूंजीपति और अन्य शोषक वर्ग अपनी विलासिता और आरामपरस्त ज़िंदगी के लिए इनपर जोंक की तरह चिपके हैं। हमें इन्हें इन जोंकों से मुक्त कराना होगा। ।” उद्धरण समाप्त।

सरदार भगत सिंह के संघर्ष का उद्देश्य मात्र देश को अंग्रेजों से मुक्त कराना नहीं था वरन उनका संघर्ष समाज में व्याप्त तमाम कुप्रथाओं और असमानताओं के विरुद्ध भी था जिससे देश उस दौर में त्रस्त था।

31 दिसंबर 1929 की अर्ध-रात्रि रावी नदी के तट पर भारतीय स्वतंत्रता का तिरंगा झंडा फहराते हुए एक ओर जहां देश और काँग्रेस ने ‘पूर्ण स्वराज’ का संकल्प लिया वहीं दूसरी ओर सरदार भगत सिंह ने पूर्ण स्वतंत्रता के एजेंडे को रेखांकित करते हुए साथी युवा क्रांतिकारियों को एक पत्र लिखा था। 2 फरवरी 1931, यानि अपनी शहादत से फकत डेढ़ महीने पहले लिखे इस पत्र में सरदार भगत सिंह ने जमींदारी/जागीरदारी उन्मूलन को स्वतंत्र भारत के प्राथमिक लक्ष्य के रूप में अंकित किया था। वे किसानों को जमींदारों की चंगुल से मुक्त कराना चाहते थे। उन्होंने लिखा कि स्वतंत्र भारत की सरकार को जमींदारों से जमीन अधिग्रहित इसे सीमांत किसानों एवं भूमिहीन मजदूरों के बीच वितरित करना चाहिए ताकि इन्हें अपनी जोत पर मालिकाना हक़ मिल सके। सरदार भगत का मंतव्य था कि जमींदारों की ज़ुल्मों की वजह से ही किसान कर्ज़ में डूबे हुए हैं। अतः जमींदारी उन्मूलन के साथ-साथ इनके कर्ज़ की भी माफी होनी चाहिए। भगत सिंह ने न्यूनतम भूमि राजस्व के अलावे अन्य किसी भी प्रकार के कर के सख़्त खिलाफ थे और उन्होंने अन्य सभी करों को समाप्त करने का समर्थन किया। यह भगत सिंह के स्वप्न का कल्याणकारी राज्य का ताना-बाना था।

आजादी से पहले के दौर में इन सपनों को साकार करना दुष्कर कार्य था। किन्तु तब किसी को यह गुमान नहीं हुआ होगा कि स्वतन्त्रता के बाद इन लक्ष्यों को हासिल और भी दुष्कर साबित होगा। तथापि आज़ादी के बाद स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम के चंद तपे-तपाये नेताओं ने बेखौफ़ भगत सिंह के एजेंडे को अमली जामा पहनाने का साहस दिखाया और इन क्रांतिकारियों से किए गए वादों को पूरा करने में कोई कसर नहीं छोड़ी।

जमींदारी व्यवस्था की जड़ें लॉर्ड कार्नवालिस द्वारा लागू स्थायी बंदोबस्त अधिनियम, 1793 में थीं। यह व्यवस्था विदेशी शासन के अनुकूल थी क्योंकि इसने उन्हें न्यूनतम शासन द्वारा भू-राजस्व के रूप में सुनिश्चित लाभ मुकर्रर था। साथ ही इस व्यवस्था द्वारा जमींदार के रूप में एक ऐसे वर्ग का उदय हुआ जो अंग्रेजों के प्रति वफादार थे और स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम को कुचलने में प्रायः उनके भरोसेमंद सहयोगी साबित हुए।

आजादी के बाद, बिहार देश का ऐसा राज्य था जहां जमींदारी उन्मूलन के प्रयासों की शुरुआत हुई। 1946 में बिहार में गठित श्रीकृष्ण सिन्हा के मंत्रिमंडल में राजस्व मंत्री रहे कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू ने जमींदारी उन्मूलन के लिए एक कानून का मसविदा तैयार किया और बिहार विधान सभा में पेश किया। यह पहला ऐसा कानून था। इस फैसले का बड़े पैमाने पर असर पड़ा। ऐसे समय में जब राजनीति और, काफी हद तक, समाज जमींदारों द्वारा नियंत्रित था, के. बी. सहाय द्वारा ऐसा कानून लाना कोई मामूली उपलब्धि नहीं थी। एक परंपरागत समाज में इस विधेयक ने खलबली मचा दिया। निश्चय ही जमींदारों को यह नागवार गुजरा और भूस्वामियों का यह वर्ग विदेशी शासकों की सेवा के एवज़ में प्रदत्त सम्मान, तमगों और उपाधियों को प्रदर्शित करते हुए इस कानून को वापस लेने के लिए दवाब बनाने लगा। ये सभी तत्व के. बी. सहाय के खिलाफ गोलबंद होने लगे। जमींदारों ने कांग्रेस के केंद्रीय नेतृत्व से भी संपर्क किया और विधेयक को पारित होने से रोकने की अपील की। फिर, बिहार विधानसभा में जमींदारी उन्मूलन विधेयक पेश होने के कुछ दिन पहले, के. बी. सहाय पर कातिलाना हमला हुआ। एक मोटर दुर्घटना में वे गंभीर रूप से घायल हो गए। तथापि के. बी. सहाय पर जमींदारों के इस कुप्रयासो का कोई असर नहीं हुआ- ऐसा लगता था मानो ‘सरफरोशी की तमन्ना उनके दिलो-दिमाग पर तारी था’। इन घटनाक्रमों से बेपरवाह तमाम प्रगतिशील राय के समर्थन से जब के. बी. सहाय ने माथे पर खून से सनी पट्टी के साथ अंततः विधानसभा में जमींदारी उन्मूलन विधेयक पेश किया तब वे सच्चे मायनों में उस संघर्ष के प्रतीक स्वरूप दिख रहे थे जिसका सूत्रपात सरदार भगत सिंह एवं उनके साथी क्रांतिकारी देश की आज़ादी के बाद करना चाहते थे। जमींदारों ने इस विधेयक को अदालतों में चुनौती दी जिसने राज्य को इसे लागू करने से रोकने के लिए निषेधाज्ञा जारी की। फलतः इस पहले विधेयक को निरस्त करना पड़ा।

तथापि कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू इस धचके से हतोत्साहित नहीं हुए। बिहार के तत्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री डॉ. श्रीकृष्ण सिन्हा के समर्थन से उन्होंने संशोधित कानून बिहार भूमि सुधार विधेयक 1949 प्रस्तुत किया जिसे बिहार विधानमंडल द्वारा 1950 में पारित किया गया। जमींदारों द्वारा एक बार फिर इस अधिनियम को पटना उच्च न्यायालय में इसे चुनौती दी गई जिसे मानते हुए पटना उच्च न्यायालय द्वारा कानून को भी इस बिना पर रद्द कर दिया गया कि इससे संविधान के कतिपय प्रावधानों का उल्लंघन होता था। 

बिहार भूमि सुधार कानून, 1950 को मान्य ठहराने के लिए संविधान में पहला संशोधन लाने की जिम्मेवारी अब पंडित जवाहर लाल नेहरू और केंद्र सरकार पर थी। फलतः संविधान में पहला संशोधन हुआ और बिहार भूमि-सुधार कानून 1950 को एक नई अनुसूची (नौवीं) में रखा गया और इसे गैर-अदालती करार दिया गया। एक बार पुनः इस संशोधन को उच्चतम न्यायालय में चुनौती दी गयी किन्तु देश के सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने इसे वैध माना। इस प्रकार अंततः जमींदारी प्रथा का अंत हुआ। बिहार इस लक्ष्य को प्राप्त करने वाला पहला राज्य बन गया।यह एक युगांतकारी कानून था। इस कालजयी कानून के प्रणेता थे कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू।

किन्तु कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू मात्र जमींदारी उन्मूलन कानून बनाकर ही नहीं संतुष्ट हुए। ऐसा लगता था मानो उनपर सरदार भगत सिंह के एजेंडे को हरफ और रूह की हद तक लागू करने का जुनून सवार था। इसी दिशा में कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय ने विधानसभा में ‘बिहार बंजर भूमि (पुनर्ग्रहण, खेती और सुधार) अधिनियम, 1946, (बिल संख्या: 3, 1946)’ पारित करवाया और ज़मींदारों द्वारा अतिक्रमित भूमि का सरकार द्वारा अधिग्रहण कर इस समस्त भूमि को भूमिहीन खेत मजदूरों एवं सीमांत किसानों के बीच वितरित करवाया।

इसके बाद, के. बी. सहाय ने बिहार स्टेट मैनेजमेंट ऑफ एस्टेट्स एंड टेन्योर एक्ट (1949 का बिहार एक्ट XXI) पेश किया, जिसने बिहार सरकार को बीस साल के लिए बिना किसी मुआवजे के भुगतान के जमींदारी सम्पदा को अधिग्रहित करने का अधिकार प्रदान किया। इस अधिनियम में सभी जमींदारी भूमि का प्रबंधन जिले के कलेक्टर के जिम्मे करने का प्रावधान था। इस अधिनियम को अदालत ने रद्द किया, किन्तु तब तक जमींदारी उन्मूलन कानून पारित हो चुका था।

1950 में केबी सहाय द्वारा 'गैर-मजूरवा' भूमि के अतिक्रमण को हटाने के लिए बिहार भूमि अतिक्रमण अधिनियम लागू किया गया था। 'गैर-मजूरवा' जमीन पर जमींदारों का अवैध कब्जा था जिसे इस कानून द्वारा हटाया गया और पुनः ऐसी भूमि खेतिहर मजदूरों और सीमांत किसानों के बीच आबंटित कर दी गयी।

बिहार निजी वन अधिनियम, 1946 का लक्ष्य जमींदारों द्वारा पेड़ों की अंधाधुंध कटाई पर रोक लगाना था और वनों को नष्ट होने से बचाना और इनका संरक्षण था। इस कानून द्वारा सूबे की समस्त निजी वन संपत्ति को सरकारी नियंत्रण में लाया गया। भगत सिंह की कल्पना थी कि भूमि को सरकारी नियंत्रण में लाया जाना चाहिए। ये सभी अधिनियम इस उद्देश्य प्राप्ति में सफल रहा। 

बकाश्त विवाद निपटान अधिनियम लागू कर जमींदारों और काश्तकारों के बीच लगान विवाद के मुद्दे को सुलझाने का प्रयास किया गया। अक्सर जमींदार समय पर लगान न जमा करा पाने पर किसानों को उनकी भूमि से बेदखल कर दिया करते थे। काश्तकारों की ऐसी भूमि जिसपर जमींदार ज़ोर-जबर्दस्ती से कब्जा कर लेते थे बकाश्त कहलाती थी। ज़मींदार इस बकाश्त ज़मीन का रख-रखाव और जोत-कोड़ अपने नौकरों, बंधुआ मज़दूरों आदि से करवाते थे। अधिनियम में पंचायत बोर्ड का गठन प्रस्तावित था जो एक प्रकार का मध्यस्थता बोर्ड का काम करता था एवं जमींदारों और काश्तकारों के विवाद को निपटाता था, प्रत्येक मामले की निष्पक्ष जांचकर मामले की योग्यता के आधार पर रैयत या जमींदारों को ऐसी भूमि प्रदान करता था। अधिनियम के प्रावधानों ने किसानों को उनकी जमीन वापस दिलाने में मदद की।

कृषि भूमि की सीमा तय करने के लिए 1955 में के. बी. सहाय ने बिहार कृषि भूमि (सीमा और प्रबंधन) विधेयक पेश किया। बिल का उद्देश्य जमींदारों द्वारा जमींदारी उन्मूलन के प्रावधानों से बचने के लिए किए गए सभी बेनामी लेनदेन को रद्द करना है।

के. बी. सहाय द्वारा लाये गए इन सभी विधायी उपायों का एकमात्र उद्देश्य किसानों को उनकी जोत की मिल्कियत दिलाना था ताकि उन्हें अपना खोया हुआ गौरव पुनः हासिल हो। एक समतावादी समाज के लक्ष्य हालांकि अभी भी दूर थे, फिर भी, के. बी. सहाय ग्रामीण अर्थव्यवस्था और समाज में एक बदलाव लाने में सफल रहे, जहां देश का किसान एक बार फिर बिना किसी डर के रह सकता था और अपने सिर ऊंचा कर अपना जीवन जी सकता था। के. बी. सहाय द्वारा शुरू किए गए कृषि सुधारों ने शहीद-ए-आजम भगत सिंह द्वारा परिकल्पित पूर्ण स्वतंत्रता के उद्देश्यों को प्राप्त किया और यही इस महान शहीद को एक वास्तविक श्रद्धांजलि है।

एक राष्ट्र की यात्रा में एक समय आता है जब हम अपने स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के सर्वोच्च बलिदान के प्रति आभार व्यक्त करते हुए उन्हें याद करते हैं और उसके नागरिक अपने देश की प्रगति के लिए काम करने के लिए अपने स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के नक्शेकदम पर चलने का संकल्प लेते हैं। इस वर्ष आजादी के 75वें वर्ष को देश जब 'आजादी का अमृत महोत्सव' के रूप में मना रहा है और इस अवसर पर स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के भूले-बिसरे नायकों को याद कर रहा है, मैं राष्ट्र को कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय जैसे गुमनाम नायकों को याद करने का आह्वान करता हूँ। मुझे गर्व है आजादी के बाद भारत में हुए कृषि सुधारों पर आधारित कोई भी अध्ययन कृष्ण बल्लभ सहाय की उपलब्धियों का उल्लेख किए बिना अपूर्ण है। यह गर्व की बात है कि कृष्ण बल्लभ बाबू के कृषि सुधार दुनिया भर के तमाम बुद्धिजीवियों और शिक्षाविदों के डॉक्टरेट अनुसंधान का विषय-वस्तु रही है। के. बी. सहाय एक साहसी व्यक्ति थे- 'बिहार के लौह पुरुष'- एक ख़िताब जिससे उन्हें तात्कालिक बिहार का प्रमुख समाचार पत्र 'द इंडियन नेशन' ने नवाजा था। यह उनकी मजबूत नेतृत्व शैली ही थी जो वे किसानों के मुद्दे पर हिम्मत और साहस के साथ जमींदारों से लोहा ले पाये और एक ऐसे कल्याणकारी राज्य का सपना साकार करने में अपना बहुमूल्य योगदान दिया जिसकी परिकल्पना एवं प्रतिज्ञा देश ने स्वतन्त्रता के समय की थी। 

SHAHEED-E-AZAM SARDAR BHAGAT SINGH, K.B. SAHAY AND ABOLITION OF ZAMINDARI (19/03/2022)

 

On this day as we assemble here to remember our martyrs, I take this opportunity to pay my sincere tributes to Shaheed-e-Azam Sardar Bhagat Singh who has been a great inspiration to me in my life.

The supreme sacrifice by Sardar Bhagat Singh, who laid down his life for the freedom of his nation at a very young age makes him a youth icon for generations to come. At the stroke of midnight as a nation awoke to life and freedom, its leadership took a pledge to fulfil the aspirations of our freedom-fighters. Many of these promises made at the dawn of independence have been realized while we strive to achieve the unfulfilled promises. The task of nation-building is a continuous process. The progress India has made in recent times makes every Indian feel proud of his country.    

Sardar Bhagat Singh was a radical socialist revolutionary He led from the front to oppose an alien imperialist rule and also inspired his people to raise their voice against all sorts of injustices by friends of the imperialists which comprised of the local satraps, the jagirdars and the zamindars. Of the scores of literature written by Sardar Bhagat Singh that has come down to us, I am drawn towards his views on rural uplift, particularly the emancipation of the peasants. We all know that Sardar Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt were tried in the Assembly Bomb Case. But what is not known commonly is the fact that Sardar Bhagat Singh had made a statement in the court during the trial in the Assembly Bomb Case. The statement is a testimony of Bhagat Singh’s concern for the peasants. He had said and I quote -

“Producers and workers are the most important section of society, but the exploiting class loots their hard-earned income and also keeps them bereft of basic rights. Farmers, who grow food for everyone, die of hunger along with their families, weavers who weave cloth for the world do not have enough to clothe their children, carpenters, blacksmiths and masons who build grand palaces are forced to live in slums themselves. The bourgeoisie and other exploiters leech on them to make for themselves a life of luxury and comfort.” Unquote.

Sardar Bhagat Singh’s struggle for the freedom of the nation was not merely aimed at getting rid of the British; he wanted the nation to get rid of many other ills that plagued the society those days.

While the Congress resolved for ‘Purna Swaraj’ and unfurled the tricolour flag of Indian independence on the banks of river Ravi on 31 December 1929, Sardar Bhagat Singh outlined the agenda of complete independence in a letter he wrote to his band of young revolutionaries on 2^nd February 1931, i.e. just a half before he attained martyrdom. The agenda included the abolition of jagirdari/zamindari system and the liberation of farmers from their clutches as the primary goal of an independent India. Bhagat Singh advocated the nationalization of land by the Government and restoration of ownership rights of land with the peasants, adding that farmers’ debt must be waived off as this debt was because of a repressive system as the farmers did not get the full price of their produce. Bhagat Singh favoured the abolition of all taxes collected from farmers except a minimum land tax. This was the welfare state of Bhagat Singh’s dream.

Realising these dreams in the pre-independence era was a tough task. It proved tougher in post-independence India. Yet some leaders showed the courage to take up Bhagat Singh’s agenda of complete independence in right earnest and left no stone unturned in fulfilling the promises made to the revolutionary freedom-fighters.

The Zamindari System had its roots in the Permanent Settlement Act, 1793 of Lord Cornwallis. It suited an alien rule as it assured them of fixed returns as land revenue with minimum governance. The system created a class of people in the form of zamindars who were loyal to the British and proved a trusted ally. 

Post-independence, Bihar led the nation in abolishing zamindari by introducing legislation to this effect. The law to abolish Zamindari was introduced by Krishna Ballabh Sahay, the Revenue Minister in the Sri Krishna Sinha’s Ministry in 1946. The decision had large scale repercussions. At a time when politics and, to a large extent, society were controlled by the landed gentry, it was no mean achievement for K. B. Sahay to come up with the Bill which was sure to cause convulsions in the tradition-bound, land steeped society. Sure enough, the entire land owning class controlled by the super zamindars went about displaying the honours and titles bestowed on them by the alien rulers for services rendered to the latter, ganged up against K. B. Sahay. They even approached the central leadership of Congress appealing it to stop the passage of the Bill. Then, just a few days before the Zamindari Abolition Bill was to be introduced in the Bihar Assembly, K. B. Sahay was run over and seriously injured in a motor accident. Undaunted by these developments, however, K. B. Sahay, with the support of all progressive opinion inside and outside the legislatures finally introduced the Bill in the Assembly with a blood-stained bandage on his forehead almost symbolizing the struggle that had to be waged to bring justice to the peasants and fulfil the promises the nation made with Bhagat Singh and his band of revolutionary freedom-fighters. The zamindars challenged the Bill in the courts which issued injunctions restraining the State from implementing it. Finally, the first Bill had to be repealed.

However, thanks to the support extended to him by Dr Sri Krishna Sinha, the then Chief Minister of Bihar, K. B. Sahay could go ahead with his epoch-making legislation despite the bitter opposition it generated among even a section of the ruling party. It was against this none too pleasing background that the Bill was revised and the Bihar Land Reforms Bill 1949 was passed by the State Legislature in 1950. Once again the Act was set aside by the Patna High Court, where it was challenged by the zamindars, as it felt it had contravened some provisions of the Constitution.

It was now the turn of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and the Central Government to bring forward the first amendment to the Constitution to validate the Bihar Act. The amendment was challenged in the Supreme Court which, however, held it valid. Thus the Zamindari System was finally abolished and Bihar became the first state to achieve this goal.

A series of agrarian reforms followed the Bihar Land Reforms Act and all of them were carried out by K. B. Sahay to accomplish the agenda of complete independence as envisioned by Sardar Bhagat Singh, in letter and spirit. The Bihar Wastelands (Reclamation, Cultivation and Improvement) Act, 1946, (Bill 3 of 1946) was introduced and implemented to identify the lands encroached by zamindars over their zamindari rights and bring such land under Government control and distribute these among landless farm labours and marginal peasants.

Next, K. B. Sahay introduced the Bihar State Management of Estates & Tenures Act (Bihar Act XXI of 1949) which enabled the Government of Bihar to take over the Estates & Tenures without payment of any compensation for twenty years. The Act brought all zamindari land under Government control to be managed by the Collector of the district. However, this Act was struck down by the Court.

In 1950 the Bihar Encroachment Act was implemented by K. B. Sahay to clear encroachment of ‘gair-mazurwa’ lands. These lands were held in illegal possession by zamindars as part of their zamindari. The Act provided for the clearing of all such encroachments.

Bihar Private Forest Act, 1946 brought all forest property under Government control to preserve the forests and protect them from getting destroyed by indiscriminate felling of trees by zamindars. Bhagat Singh had envisioned that land must be brought under Government control and this Act achieved this objective.

The issue of rent dispute between the zamindars and the tenant was sought to be resolved by implementing the Bakasht Disputes Settlement Act. Often the zamindars evicted the peasants from their land for their failure or alleged failure to pay rent on time. Such land, resumed by zamindars from tenants, was known as Bakasht land. The zamindars got the Bakasht land cultivated with servants, forced or bonded labour or share-croppers. The Act provided for the constitution of a Board of Panchayat- an Arbitration Board at the district level to settle disputes and award such land to raiyat or the zamindars on the merit of the case on a case to case basis. The provisions of the Act helped the peasants get back their land.

In 1955 K. B. Sahay introduced the Bihar Agricultural Lands (Ceiling and Management) Bill to fix a ceiling of agricultural lands. The bill aimed to nullify all benami transactions resorted by zamindars and tenure holders to circumvent the provisions of the Bihar Land Reforms Act, 1950.

Through all these legislative measures, K. B. Sahay restored the land to the peasants, which helped them regain their lost pride. Though the goals of an egalitarian society were still away, K. B. Sahay, nonetheless, helped in creating a change in rural economy and society where the peasants could once again live without fear and with their heads held high. The agrarian reforms introduced by K. B. Sahay achieved the objectives of complete independence envisioned by Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh and this is a real tribute to this great martyr.   

A time comes in the journey of a nation when it pauses to pay its gratitude to the supreme sacrifice of its freedom-fighters and its citizens resolve to follow the footsteps of their freedom-fighters to work for the progress of their country. This year as the nation celebrates its 75^th year of independence as ‘Azaadi ka Amrit Mahotsav’, to remember the forgotten heroes of the freedom struggle, I take this opportunity to remind a nation to remember such unsung heroes like Krishna Ballabh Sahay. I feel proud to be his descendent. I feel proud that a study on agrarian reforms in post-independence India is never complete without referring to the achievements of K. B. Sahay. I feel proud that his agrarian reforms form part of the doctoral research of scores of intellectuals and academicians across the world.  K. B. Sahay was a courageous man- a man of steel- the ‘Iron Man of Bihar’ –a title bestowed upon by him by ‘The Indian Nation’- the leading Press newspaper of Bihar of the time. It was an acknowledgement of his strong leadership style that saw him taking up the cudgels on behalf of the peasants to abolish the Zamindari System and help the nation redeem its pledge of a welfare State, if not wholly or in full measure, but substantially. 

Thank you.

(Excerpts of the speech delivered on 19th March 2022 on the occasion of 'Shaheed Diwas' organised by Global Organisation of Indian People, Manhattan Chapter to remember the martyrdom of Sardar Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru and other freedom fighters.) 

GOPIO | Shaheed Diwas | March 19th 2022